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     Grammar Search "peya" has 1 results.
peyā: feminine nominative singular future passive participle (has gerundive formation scheme) stem: peya.
85 results for peya
peyamfn. to be drunk or quaffed, drinkable etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyamfn. to be tasted, tastable (opp. to ghreya-, spṛśya-etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyamfn. to be taken (as medicine) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyamfn. to be drunk in or enjoyed by (see śrotra-p-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyam. (sc. yajña-kratu-) a drink offering, libation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyam. a species of anise (equals miśreyā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyan. a drink, beverage View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agrapeyan. precedence in drinking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ākaśāpeyam. a descendant of akaśāpa-, (gaRa śubhrādi- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
annapeyan. explains the word vāja-p/eya- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antaḥpeyan. supping up, drinking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anupeyamfn. not to be married, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anupeyamānamfn. not being approached (sexually), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apeyamf(ā-)n. unfit for drinking, not to be drunk View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āpeyam. plural (fr. 1. ap-?) , a particular class of gods. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āpeyaand View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āpeyatvan. the being of this class (see āpyeya-.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aśvapeyam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyam. (fr. campā-) Michelia Campaka View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyam. Mesua ferrea View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyam. equals yaka- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyam. a prince of campā-
cāmpeyam. Name of a son of viśvā-mitra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyamn. gold View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāmpeyakan. a filament (especially of a lotus) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daśapeyam. Name of a soma- libation (part of a rāja-sūya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gaupeyaSee gaupteya-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kākapeyamfn. "crow-drinkable", full to the brim or to the brink with water so that a crow may drink commentator or commentary on (see pāli- kāka-peyya-in Mahaparinibbana Sutta.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyamf(ī-)n. (fr. kapi-), belonging or peculiar to a monkey View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyam. a descendant of kapi- commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyam. (plural) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyan. monkey tricks View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
peyamf(ī-)n. customary among the Kapis, , Scholiast or Commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāśyapeyam. a patronymic of the twelve āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāśyapeyam. of garuḍa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāśyapeyam. of aruṇa- (the sun) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuruvājapeyam. a particular kind of vājapeya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madhupeyamfn. sweet to drink View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madhupeyan. the drinking of sweetness (as soma- etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
netrapeyamfn. to be drunk in or enjoyed by the eyes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
niṣpeyamfn. being drunk out or up View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prātipeyam. idem or 'm. patronymic of balhika- ' (also plural) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratyupeyamfn. to be met or dealt with View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pūrvapeyan. precedence in drinking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pūrvapeyan. precedence View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ṛtapeyam. a particular ekāha- (q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samabhyupeyamfn. to be gone or approached or followed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samabhyupeyan. equals sam-abhyupagamana- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāpeyam. Name of a teacher (plural his school) gaRa śaunakādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāṣpeyam. Name of a teacher gaRa śaunakādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śataprāyaścittavājapeyaName of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somapeyam. a sacrifice in which soma- is drunk, soma- libation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somapeyan. a draught of soma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrautavājapeyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrotrapeyamfn. to be drunk in by the ear or attentively heard, worth hearing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sukhapeyamfn. easy or pleasant to drink View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutapeyan. the drinking of soma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
traiviṣṭapeyam. plural idem or 'm. plural "inhabitants of tri-v- ", the gods ' , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
turaspeyan. the racer's or conqueror's drinking, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
turaspeyaSee 2. t/ur-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upāyopeyameans and object, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upeyamfn. to be set about or undertaken, a thing undertaken View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upeyamfn. to be approached sexually View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upeyamfn. to be striven after or aimed at, that which is aimed at, aim commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyamn. "the drink of strength or of battle", Name of one of the seven forms of the soma--sacrifice (offered by kings or Brahmans aspiring to the highest position, and preceding the rāja--su1ya and the bṛhaspati--sava) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyamn. Name of the 6th book of the śatapatha-brāhmaṇa- in the kāṇva-śākhā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyam. equals vājapeye bhavo mantraḥ-, or vājapeyasya vyākhyānaṃ kalpaḥ- on vArttika 5 etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyagraham. a ladleful taken at the vājapeya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyahautran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyahotṛsaptakan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyakamfn. belonging or relating to the vāja-peya- sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyakḷptif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyakratorudgātṛprayogam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyapaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyaprayogam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyarahasyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyarājasūyamn. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyasāmann. Name of a sāman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyasarvapṛṣṭhāptoryāmaudgātraprayogam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyastomaprayogam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyaudgātraprayogam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyayājinm. one who offers (or has offered) a vājapeya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājapeyayūpam. the sacrificial post at the vājapeya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāspeyam. the tree nāga-kesara- (commonly called Nagesar) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yajñapuruṣavājapeyayājikārikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
     Apte Search  
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peya पेय a. [पा-पाने कर्मणि यत्] 1 Drinkable, fit to be quaffed or drunk; भोज्यं पेयं तथा चूष्यं लेह्यं खाद्यं च चर्वणम् । निष्पेयं चैव भक्ष्यं स्यादन्नमष्टविधं स्मृतम् Rājanighaṇṭu. -2 Sapid. -यम् 1 Water. -2 Milk. -3 A drink, beverage. -या 1 Rice-gruel. -2 A drink mixed with a small quantity of boiled rice.
apeya अपेय a. Not fit to be drunk; अपेयेषु तडागेषु बहुतरमुदकं भवति Mk.2.
upeya उपेय pot. p. 1 To be gone to or approached. -2 To be effected by means; उपायदर्शने M.1. -3 Assailable. -4 To be sought; Ms.7.215. -5 To be obtained. -6 To be approached sexually; -यः A thing to be obtained; अवरः श्रद्धयोपेत उपेयान्विन्दते$ञ्जसा Bhāg.4.18.4.
peya कापेय a. Belonging or peculiar to a monkey; कच्चिन्न खलु कापेयी सेव्यते चलचित्तता Rām.6.127.23; Mv.5.63. -यम् monkey tricks; P.V.1.127. -कापेयम् [कपेर्भावः कर्म वा ढक्] 1 The monkey species. -2 Monkey-like behaviour, monkey tricks. एतदप्यस्य कापेयं यदर्कमुपतिष्ठति Mbh. on P.I.3.25. -3 N. of a sage, the son of कपिः शौनकः कापेयः Ch. Up.4.3.7.
kāśyapeya काश्यपेयः 1 An epithet of the twelve Ādityas. -2 Of the sun. -3 Garuḍa. -4 Dāruka; सारथेस्तु रथस्थस्य काश्यपेयस्य विस्मिताः Mb.7.147.55. -5 Gods and demons.
cāmpeya चाम्पेयः 1 The Champaka tree. -2 The Nāgakesara tree. -यम् 1 Filament, especially of a lotus flower. -2 Gold. -3 The Dhattura plant; m. (also in the last two senses).
cāmpeyakam चाम्पेयकम् A stamen or filament.
vāspeya वास्पेयः The tree called नागकेशर.
     Macdonell Search  
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peya fp. to be drunk or imbibed; drinkable; that can be tasted; delectable to (e. g. the ear); m. libation; n. drinking, draught (--°ree;, V.); drink.
apeya fp. undrinkable; forbidden to be drunk.
upeya fp. (√ i) that is to be under taken; to be approached (carnally).
upāyopeya n. means and end.
cāmpeya m. prince of Kampâ.
pratyupeya fp. to be met or treated with (in.); -½urasam, ad. against or upon the breast; -½usha, m., -½ushas, n. day break; -½ûrdhvam, ad. upwards, above (ac.); -½ûsha, m. or n. (?) dawn, daybreak; -½ûshas, n. id.; -½ûha, m. hindrance, impediment, obstacle: -kârin, a. obstructing; -½ûhana, n. suspension, cessation.
     Vedic Index of
     Names and Subjects  
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uṣṇīṣa Denotes the ‘ turban ’ worn by Vedic Indians, men and women alike. The Vrātyas turban is expressly referred to in the Atharvaveda and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. A turban was also worn at the Vājapeya and the Rājasūya ceremonies by the king as a token of his position.
aupāvi (‘Descendant of Upāva’) Jāna-śruteya (‘descendant of Janaśruti’), appears in the Satapatha Brāhmana and the Maitrāyanī Samhitā as a sacrificer who used to offer the Vājapeya sacrifice and ascend to the other world.
peya (descendant of Kapi ’). The Kāpeyas are men­tioned as priests of Citraratha in the Kāthaka Samhitā and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. See also Saunaka.
kuru The Kurus appear as by far the most important people in the Brāhmana literature. There is clear evidence that it was in the country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru- Pañcālas, that the great Brāhmanas were composed. The Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name being usually coupled with that of the Pañcālas on account of the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pañcālas are often expressly referred to as a united nation. In the land of the Kuru-Pañcālas speech is said to have its particular home ; the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas is proclaimed to be the best ; the Kuru-Pañcāla kings perform the Rājasūya or royal sacrifice ; their princes march forth on raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season Later on the Kuru-Pañcāla Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads. Weber and Grierson have sought to find traces in Vedic literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pañcālas, who were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers to the story in the Kāthaka Samhitā of a dispute between Vaka Dālbhya and Dhrtarāstra Vaicitravīrya, the former being held to be by origin a Pañcāla, while the latter is held to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between Kurus and Pañcālas in the passage in question, which merely preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a priest and a prince: the same passage refers to the Naimisīya sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas, and emphasizes the close connexion of the two peoples. Secondly, Weber conjectures in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā that Subhadrikā of Kāmpīla was the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour¬hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described in the Samhitā was performed. But the interpretation of this passage by Weber is open to grave doubt ; and in the Kānva recension of the Samhitā a passage used at the Rājasūya shows that the Kuru-Pañcālas had actually one king. More¬over, there is the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmana that the old name of the Pañcālas was Krivi. This word looks very like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer plausibly conjectures that the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna of the Rigveda, especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the Asikni.The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. We are told, however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both the Kurus and the Srñjayas, who must therefore at one time have been closely connected. In the Chāndogya Upanisad reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (aśvā), and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm. In the Sūtras, again, a ceremony (Vājapeya) of the Kurus is mentioned. There also a curse, which was pronounced on them and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to. This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in the epic tradition. In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kuruśravana (‘ Glory of the Kurus ^, and of a Pākasthāman Kaurayāna. In the Atharvaveda there occurs as a king of the Kurus Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the śata¬patha Brāhmana as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice.It is a probable conjecture of Oldenberg’s that the Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to by other names in the Rigveda. Kuruśravana, shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the Rigveda called Trāsadasyava, * descendant of Trasadasyu,’ who is well known as a king of the Pūrus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu- Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Pūrus, later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people. Since the Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brāhmana texts as a great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rigveda as having kindled fire on the Drsadvatī, the Apayā, and the Sarasvatī—that is to say, in the sacred places of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, the goddess Bhāratī (‘ belonging to the Bharatas ’) is constantly mentioned in the Aprī (‘ propitiatory ’) hymns together with Sarasvatī. Again, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana, one Bharata king was victorious over the Kāśis, and another made offerings to Gañgā and Yamunā, while raids of the Bharatas against the Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Nor is it without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for the Kuru-Pañcālas in a passage of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given without any mention of the people over which they ruled, while in other cases that information is specifically given.The territory of the Kuru-Pañcālas is declared in the Aitareya Brāhmana to be the middle country (Madhyadeśa). A group of the Kuru people still remained further north—the Uttara Kurus beyond the Himālaya. It appears from a passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana that the speech of the Northerners— that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus—and of the Kuru- Pañcālas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. There seems little doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that it spread thence east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vrātya Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical Aryans) of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and in the fact that in the śāñkhāyana Áranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell in the territory of Magadha. The repeated mention of Kuru- Pañcāla Brahmins is another indication of their missionary activity. The geographical position of the Kuru-Pañcālas renders it probable that they were later immigrants into India than the Kosala-Videha or the Kāśis, who must have been pushed into their more eastward territories by a new wave of Aryan settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic literature to show in what relation of time the immigration of the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west. It has, however, been conjectured, mainly on the ground of later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who, coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes see Kauravya.
citraratha (‘Having a brilliant car ’) is the name of two persons. (a) It designates an Aryan prince, who, with Arna, was defeated by Indra for the Turvaśa-Yadus on the Sarayu (perhaps the modern Sarju in Oudh), according to the Rigveda. The locality would accord with the close connexion of Turvaśa and Krivi or Pañcāla. (b) Citraratha is also the name of a king for whom the Kāpeyas performed a special kind of sacrifice (dvirātra), with the result, according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, that in the Caitrarathi family only one member was a Ksatra-pati, the rest dependents. Apparently this must mean that the Caitrarathis were distinguished from other families of princes by the fact that the chief of the clan received a markedly higher position than in most cases, in which probably the heads of the family were rather an oligarchy than a monarch and his dependents. See Rājan.
jāmi A word which appears originally to have meant ‘ related in blood,’ is not rarely used as an epithet of ‘ sister ’ (Svasr), and sometimes even denotes ‘ sister ’ itself, the emphasis being on the blood-relationship. So it appears in a passage of the Atharvaveda, where ‘ brotherless sisters’ (abhrātara iva jāmayah) are referred to. The word is similarly used in the dispute occurring in the Aitareya Brāhmana as to the precedence of Rākā, or of the wives of the gods, in a certain rite. One party is there described as holding that the sister should be preferred (jāmyai vai pūrva-peyam)—apparently at a ceremonial family meal—to the wife, presumably as being of one blood with the husband, while the wife is not (being anyo- daryā, ‘of another womb’). In the neuter the word means ‘ relationship,’ like jāmi-tva, which also occurs in the Rigveda.
bṛhaspatisava Is the name of a sacrifice by which, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, the priest who desired to become a Purohita obtained that office. According to the Aśvalāyana śrauta Sūtra, it was the sacrifice to be performed by a priest after the Vājapeya, while the king performed the Rājasūya. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, the Brhaspati- sava is identified with the Vājapeya; but such identity is clearly not primitive.
bhṛgu Is a sage of almost entirely mythical character in the Rigveda and later. He counts as a son of Varuṇa, bearing the patronymic Vāruni. In the plural the Bhṛgus are repeatedly alluded to as devoted to the fire cult. They are clearly no more than a group of ancient priests and ancestors with an eponymous Bhṛgu in the Rigveda, except in three passages, where they are evidently regarded as an historic family. It is not clear, however, whether they were priests or warriors: in the battle of the ten kings the Bhṛgus appear with the Druhyus, perhaps as their priests, but this is not certain. In the later literature the Bhṛgus are a real family, with sub-divisions like the Aitaśāyana, according to the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa. The Bhṛgus are mentioned as priests in connexion with various rites, such as the Agnisthāpana and the Daśa- peyakratu. In many passages they are conjoined with the Añgirases :u the close association of the two families is shown by the fact that Cyavana is called either a Bhārgava or an Añgirasa in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. In the Atharvaveda the name of Bhṛgu is selected to exemplify the dangers incurred by the oppressors of Brahmans: the Srfijaya Vaitahavyas perish in consequence of an attack on Bhṛgu. In the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa u also Bhṛgu has this representative character. Cf. Bhrgravāṇa and Bhārgava.
rājya In the Atharvaveda and later regularly denotes ‘sovereign power,’ from which, as the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa notes, the Brahmin is excluded. In addition to Rājya, the texts give other expressions of sovereign power. Thus the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa4 contends that the Rājasūya sacrifice is that of a king, the Vājapeya that of a Samrāj or emperor, the status of the latter (Sāmrājya) being superior to that of the former (Rājya). The sitting on a throne (Ásandī) is given in the same text6 as one of the characteristics of the Samrāj. Elsewhere® Svārājya, ‘ uncon¬trolled dominion,’ is opposed to Rājya. In the ritual of the Rājasūya the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa7 gives a whole series of terms: Rājya, Sāmrājya, Bhaujya, Svārājya, Vairājya, Pāra- meṣṭhya, and Māhārājya, while Adhipatya, ‘ supreme power,’ is found elsewhere.8 But there is no reason to believe that these terms refer to essentially different forms of authority. A king might be called a Mahārāja or a Samrāj, without really being an overlord of kings; he would be so termed if he were an important sovereign, or by his own entourage out of compliment,' as was Janaka of Videha. That a really great monarchy of the Aśoka or Gupta type ever existed in the Vedic period seems highly improbable.
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vājapeya Is the name of a ceremony which, according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and later authorities, is only per­formed by a Brahmin or a Kṣatriya. The same Brāhmaṇa insists that this sacrifice is superior to the Rājasūya, but the consensus of other authorities assigns to it merely the place of a preliminary to the Bphaspatisava in the case of a priest, and to the Rājasūya in the case of a king, while the śatapatha is compelled to identify the Bṛhaspatisava with the Vājapeya. The essential ceremony is a chariot race in which the sacrificer is victorious. There is evidence in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra® showing that once the festival was one which any Aryan could perform. Hillebrandt, indeed, goes so far as to compare it with the Olympic games; but there is hardly much real ground for this: the rite seems to have been developed round a primitive habit of chariot racing, transformed into a ceremony which by sympathetic magic secures the success of the sacrificer. In fact Eggeling seems correct in holding that the Vājapeya was a preliminary rite performed by a Brahmin prior to his formal installation as a Purohita, or by a king prior to his consecration. The Kuru Vājapeya was specially well known.
śaunaka ‘Descendant of śunaka,’ is a common patronymic. It is applied to Indrota and Svaidāyana. A śaunaka appears as a teacher of Rauhiṇāyána in the Brhadāranyaka Upaniṣad. A śaunaka-yajña, or śaunaka sacrifice, occurs in the Kausītaki Brāhmana. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad Atidhanvan śaunaka appears as a teacher. That Upaniṣad and the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmana mention a śaunaka Kāpeya who was a contemporary of Abhipratārin Kakçaseni, whose Purohita śaunaka was according to another passage of the latter Upaniṣad. In the Sūtras, the Bṛhaddevatā, etc., a śaunaka appears as a great authority on grammatical, ritual, and other matters.
samrāj In the Rigveda and later means ‘superior ruler,’ 'sovereign,' as expressing a greater degree of power than king ’ (Rājan). In the śatapatha Brāhmana, in accordance with its curious theory of the Vājapeya and Rājasūya, the Samrāj is asserted to be a higher authority than a king, and to have become one by the sacrifice of the Vājapeya. There is, however, no trace of the use of the word as ‘ emperor ’ in the sense of an 'overlord of kings,' probably because political conditions furnished no example of such a status, as for instance was attained in the third century B.C. by Aśoka. At the same time Samrāj denotes an important king like Janaka of Videha. It is applied in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa as the title of the eastern kings. Cf Rājya.
       Bloomfield Vedic
23 results
ata ā yātaṃ madhupeyam aśvinā # RV.10.41.3d.
anu viśve adaduḥ somapeyam # RV.5.29.5b.
aped u hāsate tamaḥ # RV.10.127.3c. Cf. apeyaṃ.
apeya rātry uchatu # AVś.2.8.2a. P: apeyam Kauś.26.42. Cf. aped u, and apochantī.
apochantī duḥṣvapnyam # AVP.1.99.1a. Cf. apeyaṃ rātry.
amardhantā somapeyāya devā # RV.3.25.4c; MS.4.12.6c: 194.14.
ā ṣaṣṭyā saptatyā somapeyam # RV.2.18.5d.
āṣṭābhir daśabhiḥ somapeyam # RV.2.18.4c.
idaṃ barhiḥ somapeyāya yāhi # RV.7.24.3b.
indra mahā manasā somapeyam # RV.6.40.4b.
indras te soma sutasya peyāḥ (SV. -yāt) # RV.9.109.2a; SV.2.719.
indraḥ somasya suṣutasya peyāḥ # RV.5.29.3b.
ime hi vāṃ madhupeyāya somāḥ # RV.4.14.4c.
ūtaye vā sutapeyāya vārkaiḥ # RV.4.44.3b; AVś.20.143.3b.
endra tena somapeyāya yāhi # RV.10.112.2b.
taṃ kāpeya nābhipaśyanti martyāḥ (JUB. na vijānanty eke) # ChU.4.3.6c; JUB.3.2.2c,12.
tat samāpeyam # Kauś.56.6.
taved anu pradivaḥ somapeyam # RV.3.43.1b.
tvaṣṭrīmatī (TS.Apś. tvaṣṭīmatī) te sapeya # TS.;; Apś.10.23.7; 15.8.17; TA.4.7.5; 5.6.12. Cf. tvaṣṭṛmantas.
devebhir yātaṃ madhupeyam aśvinā # RV.1.34.11b; VS.34.47b.
bhojā jigyur antaḥpeyaṃ surāyāḥ # RV.10.107.9c.
yato deva dadhiṣe pūrvapeyam # KS.4.2d; 13.11d. See yasya deva etc.
yasya deva dadhiṣe pūrvapeyam # RV.7.92.1d; VS.7.7d; TS.;; MS.1.3.6d: 32.10; śB. See yato deva etc.
     Vedabase Search  
7 results
peyam drinkSB 8.18.32
traipiṣṭapeya-ādiṣu and among the demigodsSB 8.8.19
samupeyatuḥ being welcomed, entered the palaceSB 9.10.44
traipiṣṭapeya-ādiṣu and among the demigodsSB 8.8.19
upeyataḥ They approachedSB 10.43.1
upeyatuḥ immediately returnedSB 10.8.22
vājapeyam type of sacrificeSB 3.12.40
     DCS with thanks   
17 results
peya noun (neuter) a drink (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
beverage (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 7706/72933
peya adjective drinkable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
tastable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be drunk in or enjoyed by (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be drunk or quaffed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be taken (as medicine) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be tasted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 37049/72933
peyaka noun (neuter) a beverage
Frequency rank 58417/72933
peyaṣāḍava noun (masculine) a kind of ṣāḍava
Frequency rank 58418/72933
apeya adjective not to be drunk (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unfit for drinking (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 9761/72933
upeya adjective a thing undertaken (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
aim (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
that which is aimed at (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be approached sexually (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be set about or undertaken (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be striven after or aimed at (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 23530/72933
upeya noun (feminine)
Frequency rank 47759/72933
peya adjective belonging or peculiar to a monkey (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 49115/72933
peya noun (masculine) a descendant of Kapi (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 23684/72933
kāśyapeya noun (masculine) a patr. of the twelve Ādityas (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of Aruṇa (the sun) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of Garuḍa (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 23714/72933
cāmpeya noun (masculine) a prince of Campā (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Mesua ferrea (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Michelia champaka Linn. (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a son of Viśvāmitra (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 21285/72933
cāmpeya noun (masculine neuter) gold (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the blossom of Mesua Roxburghii
Frequency rank 52232/72933
cāmpeyaka noun (neuter) a filament (esp. of a lotus) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Michelia champaka Linn.
Frequency rank 34946/72933
traipiṣṭapeya noun (masculine)
Frequency rank 54039/72933
niṣpeya adjective being drunk out or up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 56480/72933
prātipeya noun (masculine)
Frequency rank 29287/72933
vājapeya noun (masculine neuter) name of one of the seven forms of the Soma-sacrifice (offered by kings or Brāhmans aspiring to the highest position) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of the 6th book of the Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa in the Kāṇva-śākhā (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 5629/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
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beverage, rice is fried in oil and later boiled in water, one of the eight varieties of rice preparations, thin gruel.

     Wordnet Search "peya" has 20 results.




rāmeṇa kāpeyāyāḥ senāyāḥ sāhāyyena rāvaṇaḥ parājitaḥ।



peyapadārthaviśeṣaḥ dadhnā vinirmitaṃ miṣṭapeyam।

grīṣmaṛtau lassīpeyasya pānam upayuktam।


jalam, vāri, ambu, ambhaḥ, payaḥ, salilam, sarilam, udakam, udam, jaḍam, payas, toyam, pānīyam, āpaḥ, nīram, vāḥ, pāthas, kīlālam, annam, apaḥ, puṣkaram, arṇaḥ, peyam, salam, saṃvaram, śaṃvaram, saṃmbam, saṃvatsaram, saṃvavaraḥ, kṣīram, pāyam, kṣaram, kamalam, komalam, pīvā, amṛtam, jīvanam, jīvanīyam, bhuvanam, vanam, kabandham, kapandham, nāram, abhrapuṣpam, ghṛtam, kaṃ, pīppalam, kuśam, viṣam, kāṇḍam, savaram, saram, kṛpīṭam, candrorasam, sadanam, karvuram, vyoma, sambaḥ, saraḥ, irā, vājam, tāmarasa, kambalam, syandanam, sambalam, jalapītham, ṛtam, ūrjam, komalam, somam, andham, sarvatomukham, meghapuṣpam, ghanarasaḥ, vahnimārakaḥ, dahanārātiḥ, nīcagam, kulīnasam, kṛtsnam, kṛpīṭam, pāvanam, śaralakam, tṛṣāham, kṣodaḥ, kṣadmaḥ, nabhaḥ, madhuḥ, purīṣam, akṣaram, akṣitam, amba, aravindāni, sarṇīkam, sarpiḥ, ahiḥ, sahaḥ, sukṣema, sukham, surā, āyudhāni, āvayāḥ, induḥ, īm, ṛtasyayoniḥ, ojaḥ, kaśaḥ, komalam, komalam, kṣatram, kṣapaḥ, gabhīram, gambhanam, gahanam, janma, jalāṣam, jāmi, tugryā, tūyam, tṛptiḥ, tejaḥ, sadma, srotaḥ, svaḥ, svadhā, svargāḥ, svṛtikam, haviḥ, hema, dharuṇam, dhvasmanvatu, nāma, pavitram, pāthaḥ, akṣaram, pūrṇam, satīnam, sat, satyam, śavaḥ, śukram, śubham, śambaram, vūsam, vṛvūkam, vyomaḥ, bhaviṣyat, vapuḥ, varvuram, varhiḥ, bhūtam, bheṣajam, mahaḥ, mahat, mahaḥ, mahat, yaśaḥ, yahaḥ, yāduḥ, yoniḥ, rayiḥ, rasaḥ, rahasaḥ, retam   

sindhuhimavarṣādiṣu prāptaḥ dravarupo padārthaḥ yaḥ pāna-khāna-secanādyartham upayujyate।

jalaṃ jīvanasya ādhāram। /ajīrṇe jalam auṣadhaṃ jīrṇe balapradam। āhārakāle āyurjanakaṃ bhuktānnopari rātrau na peyam।


sūryaḥ, savitā, ādityaḥ, mitraḥ, aruṇaḥ, bhānuḥ, pūṣā, arkaḥ, hiraṇyagarbhaḥ, pataṅgaḥ, khagaḥ, sahasrāṃśuḥ, dinamaṇiḥ, marīci, mārtaṇḍa, divākaraḥ, bhāskaraḥ, prabhākaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, vivasvān, saptāśvaḥ, haridaśvaḥ, citrarathaḥ, saptasaptiḥ, dinamaṇi, dyumaṇiḥ, divāmaṇiḥ, khamaṇiḥ, khadyotaḥ, pradyotanaḥ, ambarīśaḥ, aṃśahastaḥ, lokabāndhavaḥ, jagatcakṣuḥ, lokalocanaḥ, kālakṛtaḥ, karmasākṣī, gopatiḥ, gabhastiḥ, gabhastimān, gabhastihastaḥ, graharājaḥ, caṇḍāṃśu, aṃśumānī, uṣṇaraśmiḥ, tapanaḥ, tāpanaḥ, jyotiṣmān, mihiraḥ, avyayaḥ, arciḥ, padmapāṇiḥ, padminīvallabhaḥ, padmabandhuḥ, padminīkāntaḥ, padmapāṇiḥ, hiraṇyaretaḥ, kāśyapeyaḥ, virocanaḥ, vibhāvasuḥ, tamonudaḥ, tamopahaḥ, citrabhānuḥ, hariḥ, harivāhanaḥ, grahapatiḥ, tviṣāmpatiḥ, ahaḥpatiḥ, vṛdhnaḥ, bhagaḥ, agaḥ, adriḥ, heliḥ, tarūṇiḥ, śūraḥ, dinapraṇīḥ, kuñjāraḥ, plavagaḥ, sūnuḥ, rasādhāraḥ, pratidivā, jyotipīthaḥ, inaḥ, vedodayaḥ, papīḥ, pītaḥ, akūpāraḥ, usraḥ, kapilaḥ   

pṛthivyāḥ nikaṭatamaḥ atitejasvī khagolīyaḥ piṇḍaḥ yaṃ paritaḥ pṛthvyādigrahāḥ bhramanti। tathā ca yaḥ ākāśe suvati lokam karmāṇi prerayati ca।

sūryaḥ sauryāḥ ūrjāyāḥ mahīyaḥ srotaḥ।/ sūrye tapatyāvaraṇāya dṛṣṭaiḥ kalpeta lokasya kathaṃ tamitsrā।



tat peyaṃ yad śītalam asti athavā himādibhiḥ saṃmiśrya śītībhavati।

saḥ cāyasya sthāne śītalapeyaṃ pibati।


suvarṇam, svarṇam, kanakam, hiraṇyam, hema, hāṭakam, kāñcanam, tapanīyam, śātakumbham, gāṅgeyam, bharmam, karvaram, cāmīkaram, jātarūpam, mahārajatam, rukmam, kārtasvaram, jāmbunadam, aṣṭāpadam, śātakaumbham, karcuram, rugmam, bhadram, bhūri, piñjaram, draviṇam, gairikam, cāmpeyam, bharuḥ, candraḥ, kaladhautam, abhrakam, agnibījam, lohavaram, uddhasārukam, sparśamaṇiprabhavam, mukhyadhātu, ujjvalam, kalyāṇam, manoharam, agnivīryam, agni, bhāskaram, piñajānam, apiñjaram, tejaḥ, dīptam, agnibham, dīptakam, maṅgalyam, saumañjakam, bhṛṅgāram, jāmbavam, āgneyam, niṣkam, agniśikham   

dhātuviśeṣaḥ-pītavarṇīyaḥ dhātuḥ yaḥ alaṅkāranirmāṇe upayujyate।

suvarṇasya mūlyaṃ vardhitam।


campakaḥ, cāmpeyaḥ, hemapuṣpakaḥ, svarṇapuṣpaḥ, śītalachadaḥ, subhagaḥ, bhṛṅgamohī, śītalaḥ, bhramarātithiḥ, surabhiḥ, dīpapuṣpaḥ, sthiragandhaḥ, atigandhakaḥ, sthirapuṣpaḥ, hemapuṣpaḥ, pītapuṣpaḥ, hemāhvaḥ, sukumāraḥ, vanadīpaḥ, kaṣāyaḥ   

vṛkṣaviśeṣaḥ saḥ vṛkṣaḥ yasya puṣpāṇi pītavarṇīyāni sugandhitāni ca santi।

tasya prāṅgaṇe campakaḥ kundam ityādīni santi।



vyañjanayuktaḥ dugdhasya peyapadārthaḥ।

harīrāpeyam svādiṣṭam asti।


kaṣāyaḥ, kaṣāyapeyam, cahā, cāyaḥ   

cāyaḥ cahā evaṃvidhaiḥ śabdaiḥ bhāratīyabhāṣāsu prasiddhasya kṣupasya śuṣkaparṇānāṃ cūrṇam uṣṇajale abhipacya tasmin drave śarkarādugdhādīn saṃmiśrya nirmitam uṣṇapeyam।

madhumehasya rogī śarkarāṃ vinā kaṣāyaṃ pibati।


pānīyam, pānakam, peyam, pāntaḥ, garaḥ, prapāṇam   

śarkarādimiśritaṃ jalam।

śarkarāyāḥ apekṣayā guḍamiśritaṃ pānīyam adhikaṃ rucikaraṃ bhavati।


peyam, irā   

yad pīyate।

pānīyam iti ekaṃ peyam asti।


peyā, miśreyā, śrāṇā, acchamaṇḍam   

sikthasamanvitaṃ peyadravyam।

śīlā peyāṃ khādati।



yat pātuṃ na śakyate।

apeyasya jalasya sevanena rogāḥ sambhavanti।



niṣiddhaṃ peyam।

madyādayaḥ apeyaṃ manyante।



pātuṃ ayogyam।

apeyasya jalasya pānena kecit janāḥ vyādhigrastāḥ jātāḥ।




upahāragṛhe naike peyāḥ padārthāḥ āsan।


sūryaḥ, sūraḥ, aryamā, ādityaḥ, dvādaśātmā, divākaraḥ, bhāskaraḥ, ahaskaraḥ, vradhraḥ, prabhākaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, bhāsvān, vivasvān, saptāśvaḥ, haridaśvaḥ, uṣṇaraśmiḥ, vivarttanaḥ, arkaḥ, mārttaṇḍaḥ, mihiraḥ, aruṇaḥ, vṛṣā, dyumaṇiḥ, taraṇiḥ, mitraḥ, citrabhānuḥ, virocan, vibhāvasuḥ, grahapatiḥ, tviṣāmpatiḥ, ahaḥpatiḥ, bhānuḥ, haṃsaḥ, sahastrāṃśuḥ, tapanaḥ, savitā, raviḥ, śūraḥ, bhagaḥ, vṛdhnaḥ, padminīvallabhaḥ, hariḥ, dinamaṇiḥ, caṇḍāṃśuḥ, saptasaptiḥ, aṃśumālī, kāśyapeyaḥ, khagaḥ, bhānumān, lokalocanaḥ, padmabandhuḥ, jyotiṣmān, avyathaḥ, tāpanaḥ, citrarathaḥ, khamaṇiḥ, divāmaṇiḥ, gabhastihastaḥ, heliḥ, pataṃgaḥ, arcciḥ, dinapraṇīḥ, vedodayaḥ, kālakṛtaḥ, graharājaḥ, tamonudaḥ, rasādhāraḥ, pratidivā, jyotiḥpīthaḥ, inaḥ, karmmasākṣī, jagaccakṣuḥ, trayītapaḥ, pradyotanaḥ, khadyotaḥ, lokabāndhavaḥ, padminīkāntaḥ, aṃśuhastaḥ, padmapāṇiḥ, hiraṇyaretāḥ, pītaḥ, adriḥ, agaḥ, harivāhanaḥ, ambarīṣaḥ, dhāmanidhiḥ, himārātiḥ, gopatiḥ, kuñjāraḥ, plavagaḥ, sūnuḥ, tamopahaḥ, gabhastiḥ, savitraḥ, pūṣā, viśvapā, divasakaraḥ, dinakṛt, dinapatiḥ, dyupatiḥ, divāmaṇiḥ, nabhomaṇiḥ, khamaṇiḥ, viyanmaṇiḥ, timiraripuḥ, dhvāntārātiḥ, tamonudaḥ, tamopahaḥ, bhākoṣaḥ, tejaḥpuñjaḥ, bhānemiḥ, khakholkaḥ, khadyotanaḥ, virocanaḥ, nabhaścakṣūḥ, lokacakṣūḥ, jagatsākṣī, graharājaḥ, tapatāmpatiḥ, sahastrakiraṇaḥ, kiraṇamālī, marīcimālī, aṃśudharaḥ, kiraṇaḥ, aṃśubharttā, aṃśuvāṇaḥ, caṇḍakiraṇaḥ, dharmāṃśuḥ, tīkṣṇāṃśuḥ, kharāṃśuḥ, caṇḍaraśmiḥ, caṇḍamarīciḥ, caṇḍadīdhitiḥ, aśītamarīciḥ, aśītakaraḥ, śubharaśmiḥ, pratibhāvān, vibhāvān, vibhāvasuḥ, pacataḥ, pacelimaḥ, śuṣṇaḥ, gaganādhvagaḥ, gaṇadhvajaḥ, khacaraḥ, gaganavihārī, padmagarbhaḥ, padmāsanaḥ, sadāgatiḥ, haridaśvaḥ, maṇimān, jīviteśaḥ, murottamaḥ, kāśyapī, mṛtāṇḍaḥ, dvādaśātmakaḥ, kāmaḥ, kālacakraḥ, kauśikaḥ, citrarathaḥ, śīghragaḥ, saptasaptiḥ   

hindūnāṃ dharmagrantheṣu varṇitā ekā devatā।

vedeṣu sūryasya pūjāyāḥ vāraṃvāraṃ vidhānam asti।



paurāṇikaḥ rājā।

prātipeyasya varṇanaṃ mahābhārate prāpyate।



ekaḥ śikṣakaḥ ।

śāpeyasya ullekhaḥ gaṇapāṭhe asti



ekaḥ śikṣakaḥ ।

śāṣpeyasya ullekhaḥ gaṇapāṭhe asti

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