(medh/a--) f. the receiving or offering of the oblation, sacrificial ceremony (;others"the offering of devotion, service or worship of the gods";others "the gaining or deserving of a reward or praise") .
mn. (in veda- also) /ūdhan-, /ūdhar- (See Whitney's grammar 430 b;in classical Sanskrit the stem ūdhan-appears only in the fem. of an adjective (cf. mfn.) compound exempli gratia, 'for example'kuṇḍodhnī-etc.) (vah-commentator or commentary on ;ud-) the udder of any female, breast, bosom etc.
अधस् अधः ind. [अधर-असि, अधरशव्दस्थाने अध् आदेशः P.V.3.39.] 1 Below, down; पतत्यधो धाम विसारि सर्वतः Śi.1.2; in lower region, to the infernal regions or hell; व्यसन्यधो$धो व्रजति स्वर्यात्यव्यसनी मृतः Ms.7.53. (According to the context अधः may have the sense of the nominative, ˚अङ्कुशः &c.; ablative, अधो वृक्षात् पतति; or locative, अधो गृहे शेते). -2 Beneath, under, used like a preposition with gen.; तरूणाम्˚ Ś.1.14; rarely with abl. also; बाहित्थं तु ततो$प्यधः Hemachandra; (when repeated) lower and lower, down and down; अधोधः पश्यतः कस्य महिमा नोपचीयते H.2.2; यात्यधोधो- व्रजत्युच्चैर्नरः स्वैरेव कर्मभिः H.2.47; अधोधो गङ्गेयं पदमुपगता स्तोकं Bh.2.1; from under, just below (with acc.); नवानधो$धो बृहतः पयोधरान् Śi.1.4. In comp. with nouns अधः has the sense of (a) lower, under, as ˚भुवनं, ˚लोकः the lower world; ˚वासः or ˚अंशुकम् an under-garment; or (b) the lower part; ˚कायः the lower part of the body; अधःकृ means to surpass, eclipse, overcome, vanquish, despise, scorn; तपः शरीरैः कठिनैरुपार्जितं तपस्विनां दूरमधश्चकार सा Ku.5.29; अधःकृताशेषान्तःपुरेण K.177; ˚कृतकुसुमायुधं 179; Śi.1.35; क्षितिप्रतिष्ठो$पि मुखारविन्दैवर्धूजनश्च- न्द्रमधश्चकार 3.52; ˚कृतैनसः Śi.16.8. dispelled. (c) अधस्, अधस्तात् -Pudendum muliebre. -Comp. -अक्ष a. situated below the axle or car. (-क्षम्) adv. below the car, under the axle. -अक्षजः [अक्षात् इन्द्रियाज्वायते इति अक्षजं प्रत्यक्षज्ञानम्, तदधरं ग्राहकत्वाभावात् हीनं यस्य सः Tv.; अधःकृतं अक्षजम् इन्द्रियज्ञानं येन Malli.] N. of Viṣṇu; other etymologies of the name are also found; (1) अधो न क्षीयते जातु
यस्मात्तस्मादधोक्षजः; (2) द्यौरक्षं पृथिवी चाधस्तयोर्यस्मादजायत । मध्ये वैराजरूपेण ततो$धोक्षज इष्यते ॥ -अधस् See above. -उपास- नम् sexual intercourse. -अङ्गम्, -द्वारम्, -मर्म the anus; Pudendum Muliebre. -करः the lower part of the hand (करभ). -करणम् excelling, defeating, degradation; K.22; so ˚क्रिया; सहते न जनोप्यधःक्रियाम् Ki.2.47. degradation, dishonour. -खननम् undermining. -गतिः f., गमनम् -पातः 1 a downward fall or motion, descent; going downwards. -2 degradation, downfall, going to perdition or hell; मूलानामधोगतिः K.41 (where ˚ति has both senses); ˚तिम् आयाति Pt.1.15 sinks, comes down (feels dishonoured); Ms.3.17; अरक्षितारमत्तारं नृपं विद्याद- धोगतिम् 8.39 destined to go to hell. -गन्तृ m. one who digs downwards. a mouse. -ग-घ-ण्टा [अधरात् अधस्तादा- रभ्य घण्टेव तदाकारफलत्वात्] a plant Achyranthes Aspera (अपामार्ग. Mar. आघाडा). -चरः [अधः खनित्वा चरति-अच्] 1 thief. -2 one who goes downwards. -जानु n. the lower part of the knee. -ind. below the knee. -जिह्विका [अल्पा जिह्वा जिह्विका, अधरा जिह्विका] the uvula (Mar. पडजीभ). -तलम् the lower part or surface; शय्या˚, खट्वा˚. -दिश् f. the lower region, the nadir; the southern direction. -दृष्टि a. casting a downward look, a posture in Yoga; करणान्यबहिष्कृत्य स्थाणुवन्निश्चलात्मकः । आत्मानं हृदये ध्यायेत् नासाग्रन्यस्तलोचनः ॥ इति योगसारे. cf. also Ku.3.47. (-ष्टिः) a downward look. -पदं [अधोवृत्ति पदं, पादस्याधःस्थानं वा] the place under the foot, a lower place. -पातः = ˚गति q. v. above. -पुष्पी [अधोमुखानि पुष्पाणि यस्याः] Names of two plants अवाक्- पुष्पी (Pimpinella Anisum) and गोजिह्वा Elephantopus (Seaber). -प्रस्तरः a seat of grass for persons in mourning to sit upon. -भक्तम् [अधरं भक्तं यस्मात्] a dose of water, medicine &c. to be taken after meals &c. (भोजनान्ते पीयमानं जलादिकम्). -भागः 1 the lower part (of the body); पूर्वभागो गुरुः पुंसामधोभागस्तु योषितां Suśr. -2 the lower part of any thing, the region below, down below; ˚व्यवस्थितं किंचित्पुरमालोकितं Pt.1. situated down below, See पाताल. -भूः f. lower ground, land at the foot of a hill. -मुख, -वदन a. having the face downwards; ˚खी तिष्ठति; ˚खैः पत्रिभिः R.3.37. -2 head-long, precipitate, flying downwards. -3 upside down, topsyturvy. (-खः) N. of Viṣṇu. (-खा, -खी) N. of a plant गोजिह्वा. (-खम्) (नक्षत्रम्) 1 flying downwards, having a downward motion; these nakṣatras are : मूलाश्लेषा कृत्तिका च विशाखा भरणी तथा । मघा पूर्वात्रयं चैव अधोमुखगणः स्मृतः ॥ Jyotiṣa. -2 N. of a hell. -यन्त्रम् a still. -रक्तपित्तम् discharge of blood from the anus and urethra. -राम a. [अधोभागे रामः शुक्लः, दृष्टितर्पकत्वात् तस्य रामत्वम्] having a white colour or white marks on the lower part of the body (said of a goat); -लम्बः 1 a plummet. -2 a perpendicular. -3 the lower world. -वर्चस् a. strong _x001F_3in the lower regions; whose lustre penetrates downwards. -वशः Pudendum Muliebre. -वायुः [अधोगामी वायुः शाक. त.] breaking wind, flatulency. -वेदः to marry a second wife when the first is alive. -शय, -य्य a. sleeping on the ground. (-य्या) sleeping on the ground; अग्नीन्धनं भैक्षचर्यामधःशय्यां गुरोर्हितए । आसमावर्तनात् कुर्यात्कृतोपनयनो द्विजः ॥ Ms.2.18. -शिरस् a. -मुख (n.) N. of a hell. -स्थ, स्थित a. situated below, -स्वस्तिकम् the nadir.
अन्धस् n. [अद्-असुन् नुम् धश्च; अदेर्नुम्धौ च Uṇ.4.25] 1 Food; द्विजातिशेषेण यदेतदन्धसा Ki.1.39; सशेष एवान्धसि असावतृप्यत् Dk.133,157 Viś. Guṇa.11; Mb.3.193.34. (supposed to have in the Veda the senses of Soma, the herb itself, or its juice; juice, ghee or boiled rice, but usually taken to mean 'food' only by Indian lexicographers and commentators. -2 Grassy ground उभे यत्ते महिना शुभ्रे अन्धसी अधिक्षियन्ति पूरवः Rv.7.96.2. [cf. Gr. andhos.]
ऊधस् n. An udder (changed to ऊधन् in Bah. Comp. ऊधसो$नङ् P.V.4.131.) भुवं कोष्णेन कुण्डोध्नी मेध्ये- नावमृथादपि R.1.84. -2 A covered secret place to which only friends are admitted. -3 The bosom. -4 The breast of a cattle. -Comp. -वती (a female, female animal) with full udders; Bhāg.
रोधस् n. [रुध्-असुन्] 1 A bank, an embankment, a dam; गङ्गा रोधःपतनकलुषा गृह्णतीव प्रसादम् V.1.8; R.5.42; Me.43. -2 A shore, high bank; अथ रोधसि दक्षिणोदधेः R.8.33. -3 A mountain slope; स दण्डस्तत्र राजभूद्रम्ये पर्वतरोधसि Rām.7.79.17; Ki.16.55. -4 The brink of a well; Bhāg. -5 A woman's hips; cf. तट. -Comp. -वक्रा, -वती 1 a river. -2 a rapid river. -वप्रः a rapid river.
वेधस् m. [विधा असुन् गुणः] 1 A creator; मदनश्च वेधाः Māl.1.21. -2 N. of Brahman, the creator; तं वेधा विदधे नूनं महाभूतसमाधिना R.1.29; Ku.2.16;5.41. -3 A secondary creator (such as Dakṣa, sprung from Bhrahman); विधाता वेधसामपि Ku.2.14. -4 N. of Śiva. -5 Of Viṣṇu. -6 The sun. -7 The Arka plant. -8 A learned man. -9 A priest. -1 N. of Soma. -11 A poet. -a. Performing, accomplishing; गम्भीरवेधा उपगुप्त- वित्तः Bhāg.4.16.1.
1. dhá put, III. dádhāti, v. 83, 1; supply with (inst.), ii. 35, 12; bestow, ipv. dhehí, x. 14, 11; dhattá, i. 85, 12; ii. 12, 5; x. 15, 7; dadhāta, x. 15, 4.  7; dadhātana, x. 15, 11; dhattá̄m, iv. 51, 11; dadhantu, vii. 63, 6; perform, ipf. dhatta, i. 85, 9; bestow, s ao. sb. dhāsathas, i. 160, 5; establish,pf. dadhé, x. 129, 7; ds. desire to bestow, didhiṣanti, ii. 35, 5; support, dídhiṣāmi, ii. 35, 12 [Gk. τἰθημι]. ádhi- put on (acc.): pf. dadhire, i. 85, 2; ao. ádhita, x. 127, 1. á̄- deposit, root ao. sb. dhās, v. 83, 7. ní- deposit, root ao. dhātam, vii. 71, 5; ps. ao. ádhāyi, viii. 48, 10. pári- put around, vi. 54, 10. prá- put from (ab.) into (lc.), vii. 61, 3. ví- impose: pf. dadhur, iv. 51, 6; divide, ipf. ádadhur, x. 90, 11. purás- place at the head, appoint Purohita: pf. dadhire, iv. 50, 1.
a. of slender retinue; -pâyin, a. sucking badly (leeches); -punya, a. whose good works are few; -pra- bhâva, a. insignificant; -bala, n. small force; -bala-prâna, a. weak and short-winded; -buddha, pp. only just awakened; -buddhi, a. of mean intellect; -bhâgya, a. luckless: -tva, n. abst. n.; -bhuga½antara, a. narrow-chested; -medhas, a. of small wit.
m. [standing-place (ttha for stha) for horses], sacred fig-tree; -tthâman, m. N. of a son of Drona; -da, -d&asharp;, a. giving horses; -pâda, m. N. of a Siddha; -pâ dâta-sârameya-maya, a. (î) consisting of horses, pedestrians, and dogs; -pâla, m. groom; -prishtha, n. horseback; -pluta, n. horse's leap; -budhna, a. borne by steeds; -budh ya, a. characterised by horses; -mandurâ, f. stable; -mukhá,m. Kimnara; î, f. Kimnara's wife; -medhá, m. horse-sacrifice; N.; -yúg, a. yoking or yoked with horses; f. sg. & du. N. of a lunar mansion; -râga, m. king of horses (Ukkaihsravas); -râdhas, a. horse equipping; -vat, a.rich in horses; -vâra, m. horseman; -vrishá, m. stallion; -sâlâ, f. stable; -sâdá, -sâdin, m. rider; -sâra thya, n. training of horses and charioteering; -sena, m. N. of a serpent demon.
m. bad man, villain; -mántu, a. hard to comprehend; -mantra, m. bad advice; -mantrita, pp. ill-advised; n. bad advice; -mantrin, m. bad minister; a. having a bad minister; -mára, a.dying hard; n. it is hard for (in.) to die: -tva, n. dying hard; -marana, n. id.; -maryâda, a. knowing no bounds: -tâ, f. abst. n.; -már sha, a. not to be forgotten; intolerable; re fractory, hostile; -marshana, a. hard to manage, intractable; -mâtsarya, n. bad jealousy; -mitrá, a. unfriendly; m. N.; -mukha, a. (î) ugly-faced, hideous; foul-mouthed, scurrilous; m. N.; -muhûrta, n. fatal hour; -medha, -medhás, a. of small wit, stupid, foolish; -medhâvin, a. id.; -maitra, a. hostile.
m. universal guest =going everywhere; -½âtman, m. universal soul; -½ad, a. all-consuming (V.); -½âdhâra, m. support of the universe; -½adhipa, m. lord of the universe; â-nara, a.relating, dear etc. to all men (V.); m. N. of Agni's father; -½antara, m. N. of a king; â-púsh, a. all-sustaining (RV.1); &asharp;-mitra, m. N. of a celebrated Rishi, chief author of Rig-veda III (with the pat. Gâthina, Gâdheya, and Gâh nava), engaged in a great contest with Vas ishtha: pl. family of Visvâmitra; a&halfacute;âyu, a. moving among, known or dear to all (V.); n. all people (RV.); â-vatva, m. N.; &asharp;-vasu, a.beneficent to all; m. N. of a Gandharva; N. of a prince of the Siddhas.
m. N.; -karman, n. vera city; a. whose actions are true (RV.1); (á) kâma, a. truth-loving (V.); m. N. (V.); -gir, a. true to his word; -m-kâra, m. promise: -krita, pp. delivered as earnest-money;-gâ, a. born of truth (Br.); -gít, a. truly vic torious, conquering by truth (V.); m. N.; -tas, ad. in truth, truly, really; -t&asharp;, f. reality, truth (Br., C.); love of truth, veracity (C.): agrya-satyatâm gam, be recognised inone's true character; (á)-tâti, f. reality: lc. â, in reality (RV.1); a. making true (RV.1); -ti tikshâ-vat, a. truthful and patient; -tva, n. reality; -darsin, a. seeing or discerning the truth; -dris, a. id.; -dhana, a. rich in truth, exceedingly truthful; -dhara, m. N.; -dhar ma, m. law of truth: -patha, m. path of eter nal truth, -parâyana, a. devoted to truth and virtue; (á)-dharman, a. whose ordinances are true (V.); adhering to or speaking the truth (S.); (á)-dhriti, a. sincere in purpose; strictly truthful; m. N.; -nâma-tâ, f. cor rectness of name; -nâman, a. having a correct name, entitled to one's name; -parâkrama, a. truly valiant, heroic or mighty (person); -bhâmâ, f. N. of a daughter of Satrâgit and one of the wives of Krishna; -bhâshana, n. speaking of truth; (á)-mantra, a. whose words are true (RV.); (á)-manman, a. whose thoughts are true (V.); -maya, a. (î) consisting of truth, truthful; -mrishâ-viveka, m. discrimination of truth and falsehood; -yuga, n. first or Krita age; (á)-yoni, a. hav ing a permanent abode (RV.1); (á)-râdhas, a. bestowing real blessings, truly beneficent (RV.); -rûpa, a. whose appearance is true; credible, probable; -loka, m. world of truth (highest of the seven worlds); -vakana, n. speaking of truth; giving of a promise, solemn assurance; a. speaking the truth; -vat, a. true, truthful; containing the word satya (Br.): m. N.: -î, f. N. of the wife of Parâsara (Samtanu) and mother of Vyâsa; -vadana, n. speaking of truth: -sîla, a. habi tually truthful; -vara, incorr. for sattva vara; -varman, m. N.;-vâkya, n. true speech; a. true of speech; -v&asharp;k, f. true speech (C.); assurance (RV.); a. truthful; -vâkaka, a. speaking the truth, truthful; -vâd-ín, a. id.: (-i)-tâ, f., (-i)-tva, n. truth fulness; -vâhana, a. conveying the truth (dream); -vikrama, a. truly valiant; -vya vasthâ, f. ascertainment of the truth; -vra ta, n. vow of truthfulness; a. strictly truthful; m. N.; -sîla, a. addicted to truth; (á)-sush ma, a. truly valiant (V.); (á)-sravas, n. true renown (V.); m. N.; -srâvana, n. tak ing a solemn oath; -srut, a. listening to the truth (RV.); -samrakshana, n. keeping one's word; -samhita, a. true to one's agreement or promise (Br.); (á)-samkalpa, a. whose purpose is true (=realised); -samgara, a. keeping one's promise; -sad, a.=rita-sad; (á)-samdha, a. true to engagements, keeping one's agreement or promise; m. N.: -tâ, f. fidelity to one's promise, trustworthiness; -sâkshin, m.veracious witness; -stha, a. holding fast to the truth, keeping one's word; -½ânanda, m. true bliss: -kid-âtman, m. true bliss and pure intellect; -½anritá, n. du. truth and falsehood (V.); sg. du. practice of truth and falsehood, trade, commerce (C.).
a. powerful, mighty; together with Bala (Krishna's eldest brother): -tva, n. power, might; -bala-vâhana, a. together with army and transport; -bahu-mânam, ad. with great respect; -bâdha, a.disadvan tageous to (g.); -b&asharp;dhas, ad. urgently, ar dently (V.); -bâshpa, a. shedding tears: -m, ad. tearfully; -bâshpa-gadgadam, ad. weeping and faltering; -bâhya½antah-kara- na, a. with the external and internal senses: w. âtman, m.=one's whole self; -bîbhatsam, ad. with aversion or disgust; -brahma-kâr ika, a. relating to a fellow-student; -brah ma-kârin, m.: (n)-î, f. fellow-pupil, student of the same branch of the Veda; --°ree;, partici pator or companion in; a. (--°ree;) vying with; -brâhmanî-ka, a. accompanied by Brâhman women.
pp. (√ sidh) hit (mark); ac complished, achieved, effected, fulfilled, real ized, successful; ready (money); prepared, made ready; cooked (food); gained, acquired; peculiar; unchangeable; cured (person); established, settled, substantiated, proved; well known, in (--°ree;); possessed of magical power (things); subject, ready to serve one (spirits, charms); perfected, adept in (d., --°ree;); become perfect, possessing super natural power, emancipated from the laws of nature; m. seer, sorcerer, magician; saint, Siddha (a class of demi-gods, such as Kapila, Vyâsa etc., possessing supernatural powers, esp. that of flying through the air); = Gina (with the Jains); N.; n. magical or super natural power: -kârya, a. having accomplished one's purpose; -kshetra, n. region inhabited by Siddhas, land of the Blest; N. of certain sacred regions: -parvata, m. mountain in the land of the Blest; -tâp asa, m., î, f. ascetic endowed with super natural knowledge and power; -tva, n. correct ness; establishment, demonstration; perfec tion; -dhâman, n. abode of the Blest;-bhûmi, f. fairyland; -mantra, m. magical spell; -yoga, m. magical agency; -yogin-î, f. sorceress, witch, fairy; -ratna, a. possess ing a magical jewel; -rasa, m. quicksilver; -rasâyana, a. possessed of an elixir of life; -râga, m. N. of a king; -laksha, a. hitting the mark (arrow); -vat, ad. as established or proved: -kri, regard as settled or proved; -varti, f. magical wick; -vâsa, m. abode of the Blest, N. of a locality; -sambandha, a. whose kin is known; -sarit, f. (famous river) Ganges.
a. having a good axle-hole, running easily (only of cars in RV.); com fortable, pleasant, mild (rare in V., very common in C.); C.: soothing, agreeable to (the ear etc., --°ree;), by reason of (--°ree;); easy to (lc. of vbl. n.); m. (sc. danda) kind of mili tary array (C.); n. ease, comfort, pleasure, enjoyment, happiness, joy (C.; rare in V.): (á)-m, in., °ree;--, happily, comfortably, agree ably, easily, without trouble (C.; rare in V.); -m, easy to (inf.); -m -na punah, more easily -than; kadalî-sukham, as easily as a Kadalî; mahatâ sukhena, with great enjoyment: -kara, a. (î) giving pleasure; easy to be done or performed, by (g.); -kârin, -krit, a. giv ing pleasure; -kârya, a. having pleasure as an object; -gamya, fp. easy to traverse; -grâhya, fp. easy to seize or catch; easy to comprehend; -ghâtya, fp. easy to kill; -kkhedya, fp. easy to destroy; -gâta,n. any thing pleasant; -tara, cpv. easier: -m, ad. more easily; -tva, n. pleasantness, enjoyable ness; -da, a. giving pleasure; -duhkha, n. du. pleasure and pain: -maya, a. (î) con sisting of or feeling joy or sorrow; -dhana,m. N. of a merchant; -para, a. intent on enjoyment, pleasure-seeking; -peya, fp. to be drunk easily; -prasna, m. enquiry as to welfare; -prasupta, pp. sleeping placidly; -prâpya, fp. easy to win or obtain (girl); -bandhana,a. (fettered by=) addicted to worldly pleasure; -bodha-rûpa, a. easily un derstood; -bhâgin, -bhâg, a. participating in fortune; lucky, happy; -bhedya, fp. easily broken; easy to separate, prone to faithless ness; -bhogya,fp. easy to enjoy or dispose of (wealth); -maya, a. (î) full of enjoyment; -m-edhas, a. prospering well.
m. N.; -mano-latâ, f. flowering creeper; -mano hara, a. very charming or attractive; -mán tu, a. easily known, well-known (RV.); m. N. of a teacher; -mantra, a. following good counsels; m. N. of various men; -mantrita, pp. well-deliberated: n. imps. good counsel has been taken; n. good counsel: -m kri, take good counsel; -mantrin, a. having a good minister; -mánman, a. uttering good wishes, very devout (RV.); -marma-ga, a. deeply penetrating the joints, causing great agony (arrow); -marshana, a. easy to bear; (sú)-mahat, a. very great, huge, vast (of time, space, quantity, number, degree); very important; -mahas, a. glorious (RV., always vc.); -mahâ, °ree;--: a. extremely great; ad. very greatly; -mahâ-kaksha, a. very high-walled; -mahâ-tapas, a. extremely ascetic or pious; -mahâ-tegas, a. very glorious; -mahât man, a. very noble-minded or high-souled; -mahâ-bala, a. extremely powerful or effica cious; -mahâ-manas, a. very high-minded; -mahârha, a. very splendid; -mahausha dha, n. herb of marvellous efficacy; -mâyá, a. having noble counsels (Maruts; RV.); m. N. of a prince of the Asuras; N. of a fairy: â, f. N. of a daughter of Maya: (a)-ka, m. N. of a fairy; -mitrá, m. kind friend; N., esp. of kings: â, f. N. of a Yakshinî; N. of a wife of Dasaratha, mother of Satrughna and Lakshmana; -mukha, n. beautiful mouth; bright face: in. cheerfully; a. (î) fair-faced; bright-faced, glad; inclined or disposed to (--°ree;); m. N. of a king; -mundîka, m. N. of an Asura; -mridîká, -mrilîká, V. a. com passionate, gracious; -mrishta, pp. well polished; very dainty: -pushpa½âdhya, a. abounding in very bright flowers; -méka, V. a. well-established, firm; unvarying; -medhás, a.having a good understanding, intelligent, wise (ac. also -medh&asharp;m, RV.); -meru, m. N. of a mtn. (=Meru); N. of a fairy; -mná, a. [√ mnâ=√ man] well-dis posed, gracious (V.); n. (V.) benevolence, favour, grace; devotion, prayer; satisfac tion, gladness, peace: -yú, V. a. devout, be lieving; favourable; -mnâ-várî, a. f. gracious, bringing gladness (Dawn, RV.1).
n. a tree (=Deva-dâru); -druma, m. celestial tree; -dvipa, m. celes tial elephant; -dvish, m. foe of the gods, demon; ep. of Râhu; -dhanus, n. bow of the gods, rainbow; -nadî, f. river of the gods, Ganges; -nâyaka, m. leader of the gods, ep. of Indra; -nimnagâ, f. river of the gods, Ganges; -pati, m. lord of the gods, Indra: -tva, n. sovereignty of the gods, -dhanus, n. bow of Indra, rainbow; -patha, m. path of the gods (a part of the sky); -pâmsulâ, f. Apsaras: -gana, m. Apsaras folk; -pâdapa, m. celestial tree; -pura, n. city of the gods, Amarâvatî; -purodhas, m. domestic priest of the gods=Brihaspati; -pushpa, n. celestial flower: -vrishti, f. shower of celestial flowers; -pratishthâ, f. erection of a divine image.
The name occurs only once in the Atharvaveda in connection with the Gandhāris, Mūjavants, and Magadhas, as distinct peoples. They appear also in the Gopatha Brāhmana in the compound name Añga-magadhāk. As in later times they were settled on the Sone and Ganges, their earlier seat was presumably there also. See also Vañga.
Neither Atri himself nor the Atris can claim any historical reality, beyond the fact that Mandala V. of the Rigveda is attributed, no doubt correctly, to the family of the Atris. The Atris as a family probably stood in close relations with the Priyamedhas and Kanvas, perhaps also with the Gotamas and Kāksīvatas. The mention of both the Parusnī and the Yamunā in one hymn of the fifth Mandala seems to justify the presumption that the family was spread over a wide extent of territory.
Descendant of Iksvāku,’ is the patronymic borne by Purukutsa in the śatapatha Brāhmana. Another Aiksvāka is Vārsni, a teacher mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. A king Hariścandra Vaidhasa Aiksvāka is known to the Aitareya Brāhmana, and Tryaruna is an Aiksvāka in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana.
Is mentioned several times in the Rigveda, but never in such a way as to denote personal authorship of any hymn. It seems clear that he was closely connected with the Añgirases, for the Gotamas frequently refer to Añgiras. That he bore the patronymic Rāhūgana is rendered probable by one hymn of the Rigveda, and is assumed in the Satapatha Brāh¬mana, where he appears as the Purohita, or domestic priest, of Māthava Videgha, and as a bearer of Vedic civilization. He is also mentioned in the same Brāhmana as a contemporary of Janaka of Videha, and Yājñavalkya, and as the author of a Stoma. He occurs, moreover, in two passages of the Atharvaveda. The Gotamas are mentioned in several passages of the Rigveda, Vāmadeva and Nodhas being specified as sons of Gotama. They include the Vāj aśravases. See also Gautama.
Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana resolves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis).
17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v.
18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e.
20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā.
21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention.
22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred.
24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse.
26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
Is the name of a protege of Agni in the Rigveda, where he also appears with Sumedhas in a hymn that Griffith with justice declares to be unintelligible. In the Taittirīya Samhitā he is an unsuccessful rival of Parucchepa, and in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he is an Añgirasa and a seer of Sāmans (Chants).
Is the name of a Rsi to whom the Anukramanī (Index) attributes a series of hymns in the Rigveda, and whose authorship is asserted in the Aitareya and the Kausītaki Brāhmanas, as well as in the Nirukta. In the Taittirīya Samhitā he appears as a rival of Nrmedhas.
Denotes in the plural ‘dwellers in the east.’ They are mentioned in the list of peoples in the Aitareya Brāhmaria. It is very probable that the Kāśis, Kosalas, Videhas, and perhaps Magfadhas, are meant, as Oldenberg supposes. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the Easterns are said to call Agni by the name of śarva, and their mode of making tombs is there referred to with disapproval. The Lātyāyana śrauta Sūtra explains the Vipatha, ‘rough car,’ of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana as a car of the Easterns (prācya-raiha). In the Samhitopaniṣad Brāhmana reference is made to the Prācya- Pāñcālas.
Is the name of a seer in the Rigveda, where his family, the Priyamedhas, are also repeatedly alluded to. It is not probable that any hymns are really Priyamedha’s own composition. See also Praiyamedha.
‘Descendant of Priyamedha,’ is a patronymic of the priests who sacrificed for the Átreya Udamaya in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. They appear in the Yajurveda Samhitās as priests who ‘ knew all ’ (sacrificial lore). Three Praiya- medhas are referred to in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa. In the Gopatha Brāhmaṇa4 they are called Bharadvājas.
Is the name of a people who appear throughout Vedic literature as of little repute. Though the name is not actually found in the Rigveda, it occurs in the Atharvaveda, where fever is wished away to the Gandhāris and Mūjavants, northern peoples, and to the Añgfas and Magadhas, peoples of the east. Again, in the list of victims at the Purusamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yajurveda,3 the Māgadha, or man of Magadha, is included as dedicated to ati-krusta, ‘ loud noise ’ (?), while in the Vrātya hymn of the Atharvaveda the Māgadha is said to be connected with the Vrātya as his Mitra, his Mantra, his laughter, and his thunder in the four quarters. In the śrauta Sūtras6 the equipment characteristic of the Vrātya is said to be given, when the latter is admitted into the Aryan Brahminical community, to a bad Brahmin living in Magadha ·(brahma-bandhu Māgadha-deśīya), but this point does not occur in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. On the other hand, respectable Brahmins sometimes lived there, for the Kausītaki Araṇyaka mentions Madhyama, Prātībodhī-putra, as Magadha-vāsin, ‘living in Magadha.’ Oldenberg, however, seems clearly right in regarding this as unusual. The Magadhas are evidently a people in the Baudhāyana and other Sūtras, possibly also in the Aitareya Araṇyaka. It is therefore most improbable that Zimmer can be right in thinking that in the Yajurveda and the Atharvaveda the λlāgadha is not a man of Magadha, but a member of the mixed caste produced by a Vaiśya marrying a Kṣatriya woman. But the theory of mixed castes, in any case open to some doubt, cannot be accepted when used to explain such obviously tribal names as Māgadha. The fact that the Māgadha is often in later times a minstrel is easily accounted for by the assumption that the country was the home of minstrelsy, and that wandering bards from Magadha were apt to visit the more western lands. This class the later texts recognize as a caste, inventing an origin by intermarriage of the old-established castes. The dislike of the Magadhas, which may be Rigvedic, since the Kīkatas were perhaps the prototype of the Magadhas, was in all probability due, as Oldenberg13 thinks, to the fact that the Magadhas were not really Brahminized. This is entirely in accord with the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa14 that neither Kosala nor Videha were fully Brahminized at an early date, much less Magadha. Weber15 suggests two other grounds that may have influeṇced the position—the persistence of aboriginal blood and the growth of Buddhism. The latter consideration is hardly applicable to the Yajurveda or the Atharvaveda; but the imperfect Brahminization of the land, if substituted for it in accordance with Oldenberg’s suggestion, would have some force. The former motive, despite Olden- berg’s doubt, seems fully justified. Pargiter18 has gone so far as to suggest that in Magadha the Aryans met and mingled with a body of invaders from the east by sea. Though there is no evidence for this view in the Vedic texts, it is reason¬able to suppose that the farther east the Aryans penetrated, the less did they impress themselves upon the aborigines. Modern ethnology confirms this a priori supposition in so far as it shows Aryan types growing less and less marked as the eastern part of India is reached, although such evidence is not decisive in view of the great intermixture of peoples in India.
The designation of Bengal proper, is not found in the earlier Vedic literature unless it is to be recognized in the curious word Vañgāvagadhāh, which occurs in the Aitareya Araṇyaka, and which suggests amendment to Vañga-Magadhāh, ‘the Vangas and the Magadhas,’ two neighbouring peoples. The name is certainly found in the Baudhāyana Dharma Sūtra.
Is included in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda, where, however, no further explanation of the name is given. Fuller information is furnished by the Atharvaveda, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, and the Sūtras, which describe at length a certain rite intended for the use of Vrātyas. According to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, there are four different kinds of ‘outcasts’—viz., the hīna, who are merely described as ‘depressed’; those who have become outcasts for some sin (nindita); those who become outcasts at an early age, apparently by living among outcasts; and those old men who, being impotent (śama-nīcamedhra), have gone to live with outcasts. The last three categories are by no means of the same importance as the first. The motive of the fourth is hard to understand: according to Rājārām Rām- krishṇa Bhāgavat,5 they were men who had enfeebled their constitutions by undue intercourse with women in the lands of the outcasts, and returned home in a debilitated state. But this is not stated in the text. It seems probable that the really important Vrātyas were those referred to as Itlna, and that the other classes were only subsidiary. According to Rāj'ārām,® there were two categories of the first class: (a) The depressed (hīna), who were non- Aryan ; and (6) degraded Aryans (gara-gir). This, however, is a mere guess, and devoid of probability. There seems to have been but one class of Vrātyas. That they were non-Aryan is not probable, for it is expressly said7 that, though unconse¬crated, they spoke the tongue of the consecrated: they were thus apparently Aryans. This view is confirmed by the state-ment that ‘they call what is easy of utterance, difficult to utter’: probable they had already a somewhat Prakritic form of speech (cf. Vāc). The Sūtras mention their Arhants (‘saints’) and Yaudhas (‘warriors’), corresponding to the Brahminical Brāhmana and Kṣatriya. Other particulars accord with the view that they were Aryans outside the sphere of Brahmin culture. Thus they are said not to practise agriculture or commerce (an allusion to a nomadic life), nor to observe the rules of Brahmacarya—i.e., the principle regulating the Brahminic order of life. They were also allowed to become members of the Brahminical community by performance of the ritual prescribed, which would hardly be so natural in the case of non-Aryans. Some details are given of the life and dress of the Vrātyas. Their principles were opposed to those of the Brahmins: they beat those unworthy of correction. Their leader (Gṛhapati) or householder wore a turban (Uçṇīçε), carried a whip (Pratoda), a kind of bow (Jyāhroda), was :lothed in a black (krçnaśa) garment and two skins (Ajina), blxk and white (krsna-valaksa), and owned a rough wagon (Vijatha) covered with planks (phalakāstīrna). The others, subordinate to the leader, had garments with fringes of red (valūkāntāni dāmatūsām), two fringes on each, skins folded double (dvisamhitāny ajinūni), and sandals (Upānah). The leader wore also an ornament (Niçka) of silver, which Rājārām converts into a silver coinage. The Vrātyas, on becoming consecrated, were expected to hand over their goods to the priest. Many other details are given in the Sūtras (e.g., that the shoes or sandals were of variegated black hue and pointed), but these are not authenticated by the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. The locality in which the Vrāiyas lived cannot be stated with certainty, but their nomad life suggests the western tribes beyond the Sarasvatī. But they may equally well have been in the east: this possibility is so far supported by the fact that the Sūtras make the Brahmin receiving the gift of the Vrātya's outfit an inhabitant of Mag’adha. The Atharvaveda does not help, for it treats the Vrātya in so mystical a way that he is represented as being in all the quarters. Indeed, Roth believed that it was here not a case of the Vrātya of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa at all, but of a glorification of the Vrātya as the type of the pious vagrant or wandering religious mendicant (Parivrājaka). This view is clearly wrong, as the occurrence of the words usnīsa, vipatha, and pratoda shows. It is probable that the 15th Book of the Atharvaveda, which deals with the Vrātya, and is of a mystical character, exalts the converted Vrātya as a type of the perfect Brahmacārin, and, in so far, of the divinity.
Was the famous plant which was used for the preparation of the libation of Soma made at the Vedic sacrifice. Its importance is sufficiently shown by the fact that the whole of the ninth Maṇdala of the Rigveda, and six hymns in other Maṇdalas, are devoted to its praise. Nevertheless, little is actually known of the plant. Its twigs or shoots are described as brown (babhru), ruddy (aruna), or tawny (hari).s Possibly its twigs hang down if the epithet Naicāśākha refers to the plant as Hillebrandt thinks. The shoot is called amśu, while the plant as a whole is called andhas, which also denotes the juice. Parvan is the stem. Kξip, ‘finger,’ is used as a designation of the shoots, which may therefore have resembled fingers in shape; vaksanā and vāna also seem to have the sense of the shoot. There is some slight evidence to suggest that the stem was not round, but angular. The plant grew on the mountains, that of Mūjavant being specially renowned. These notices are inadequate to identify the plant. It has been held to be the Sarcostemma viminalc or the Asclepias acida (Sarcostemma brevistigma). Roth held that the Sarcostemma acidiim more nearly met the requirements of the case. Watt suggested the Afghan grape as the real Soma, and Rice thought a sugar-cane might be meant, while Max Mūller and Rājendralāla Mitra suggested that the juice was used as an ingredient in a kind of beer—i.e., that the Soma plant was a species of hop. Hillebrandt considers that neither hops nor the grape can explain the references to Soma. It is very probable that the plant cannot now be identified. In the Yajurveda the plant is purchased ere it is pressed. Hillebrandt considers that the sale must be assumed for the Rigveda. It grew on a mountain, and could not be obtained by ordinary people: perhaps some special tribe or prince owned it, like the Kīkatas. As it stands, the ritual performance is clearly an acquisition of the Soma from the Gandharvas (represented by a śūdra), a ritual imitation of the action which may have been one of the sources of the drama. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining the real plant from a great distance, several substitutes were allowed in the Brāhmaṇa period. The plant was prepared for use by being pounded with stones or in a mortar. The former was the normal method of pro¬cedure, appearing in the Rigveda as the usual one. The stones are called grāvan or αdn, and were, of course, held in the hands. The plant was laid on boards one beside the other (Adhiṣavana), and, according at least to the later ritual, a hole was dug below, so that the pounding of the plant by means of the stones resulted in a loud noise, doubtless a prophylactic against demoniac influences. The plant was placed on a skin and on the Vedi—-which was no longer done in the later ritual—Dhiṣaṇā in some passages denoting the Vedi. Sometimes the mortar and pestle were used in place of the stones. This use, though Iranian, was apparently not common in Vedic times. Camū denotes the vessel used for the offering to the god, Kalaśa and Camasa those used for the priests to drink from. Sometimes the Camū denotes the mortar and pestle. Perhaps the vessel was so called because of its mortar-like shape. The skin on which the shoots were placed was called Tvac, or twice go (‘cow-hide). Kośa, Sadhastha, Dru, Vana, Droṇa, are all terms used for Soma vessels, while Sruva denotes the ladle.’ Apparently the plant was sometimes steeped in water to increase its yield of juice. It is not possible to describe exactly the details of the process of pressing the Soma as practised in the Rigveda. It was certainly purified by being pressed through a sieve (Pavitra). The Soma was then used unmixed (βukra, śuci) for Indra and Vāyu, but the Kanvas seem to have dropped this usage. The juice is described as brown (babhru)," tawny (hart), or ruddy (aruna), and as having a fragrant smell, at least as a rule. Soma was mixed with milk (Gavāśir), curd or sour milk (Dadhyāśir), or grain (Yavāśir). The admixtures are alluded to with various figurative expressions, as Atka, ‘ armour ’j Vastra or Vāsas, 'garment'; Abhiśrī, 'admixturerūpa, ‘beautyJ; śrl, ‘splendour’; rasa, ‘flavour’; prayas, ‘ dainty ’; and perhaps nabhas, ‘ fragrance.’ The adjective tīvra denotes the ‘ pungent ’ flavour of Soma when so mixed. The Soma shoots, after the juice has been pressed out, are denoted by rjīsa, ‘residue.’ It seems probable that in some cases honey was mixed with Soma: perhaps the kośa madhti-ścut, ' the pail distilling sweetness,’ was used for the mixing. It seems doubtful if Surā was ever so mixed. There were three pressings a day of Soma, as opposed to the two of the Avesta. The evening pressing was specially connected with the Rbhus, the midday with Indra, the morning with Agni, but the ritual shows that many other gods also had their share. The drinker of Soma and the nondrinker are sharply discriminated in the texts. Localities where Soma was consumed were Árjīka, Pastyāvant, śaryaṇāvant, Suṣomā, the territory of the Pañcajanāh or ‘five peoples,’ and so on. The effects of Soma in exhilarating and exciting the drinkers are often alluded to. It is difficult to decide if Soma was ever a popular, as opposed to a hieratic drink. The evidence for its actual popularity is very slight, and not decisive.
(‘Descendant of Vedhas’) Aikṣvāka (‘descendant of Ikṣvāku’) is the name of a probably mythical king whose rash vow to offer up his son Rohita to Varuna is the source of the tale of śunahśepa in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa and the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra.
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