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     Grammar Search "adas" has 22 results.
     
adas: masculine nominative singular stem: ad
adas: masculine nominative plural stem: ad
adas: feminine nominative plural stem: ad
ādas: masculine nominative singular stem: āda
ādās: masculine nominative plural stem: āda
ādās: feminine nominative plural stem: āda
adas: neuter nominative singular stem: adas
adas: neuter nominative singular stem: asau
adas: masculine accusative plural stem: ad
adas: feminine accusative plural stem: ad
ādās: feminine accusative plural stem: āda
adas: neuter accusative singular stem: adas
adas: neuter accusative singular stem: asau
adas: masculine ablative singular stem: ad
adas: neuter ablative singular stem: ad
adas: feminine ablative singular stem: ad
adas: masculine genitive singular stem: ad
adas: neuter genitive singular stem: ad
adas: feminine genitive singular stem: ad
adās: second person singular tense paradigm aorist class parasmaipada
adās: second person singular present imperfect class 2 parasmaipada
ādas: second person singular present imperfect class 2 parasmaipadaad
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119 results for adas
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
adas Nominal verb mf. as/au- (vocative case /asau- ) (n. ad/as-), (opposed to id/am- q.v), that, a certain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adasthen, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adas(adas-) ind. thus, so, there. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adasīyamf(ī-)n. belonging to that or those View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adastamfn. unexhausted, imperishable, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adasyaNom. P. adasyati-, to become that. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
amarasadasn. the assemblage of the gods View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antaḥsadasn. the interior of an assembly hall, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antaḥsadasind. (= sadasam-), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antaḥsadasamind. in the middle of the assembly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anūpadasto fail (or become extinct) after (accusative) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anupadasta([ ]) or an-upadasya- ([ ]) or /an-upadasyat- ([ ]) or /an-upadasvat- ([ ]) or /an upadāsuka- ([ ]) mfn. not drying up, not decaying. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anupadasūtran. a commentary explaining the text (of a brāhmaṇa-) word for word. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apadas(3. plural -dasyanti-) to fail id est become dry View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apadasthamfn. not being in its place View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apadasthamfn. out of office. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apsuṣadasn. dwelling in the waters View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bahiḥsadas ind. outside the sadas-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bahiḥsadasamind. outside the sadas-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahmasadasn. the residence or court of brahmā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bṛhadasṛnmatim. "having a great inclination for blood", a particular demon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caturiḍaspadastobham. (see iḍas-pad/e-) Name of a sāman-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
citrāṅgadasūf. " citrāṅgada-'s mother", satyavatī- (mother of vyāsa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dadadasind. (onomatopoetic (i.e. formed from imitation of sounds)) imitative sound of a thunder's roaring
dhanadastotran. Name of a stotra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dṛḍhadasyum. Name of an old sage, also named idhmavāha- (son of dṛḍha-cyuta-See above ) (see dṛhasyu-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ekapadasthamfn. being in the same word. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gadasiṃham. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gadgadasvaramf(ā-)n. idem or 'mfn. idem or 'mfn. idem or 'mfn. idem or 'mfn. (speech) stopped by sobs, ' ' ' ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gadgadasvaram. stammering utterance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gadgadasvaram. a buffalo View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gadgadasvaram. Name of a bodhi-sattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hanumadaṅgadasaṃvādam. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
īṣadasamāptamfn. a little incomplete, not quite complete, almost complete, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
īṣadasamāptif. almost completeness or perfection, little defectiveness or imperfection View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaladasamayam. equals -kāla- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaladasaṃhatif. the gathering of clouds View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madasāram. Salmalia Malabarica View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madasrāvinmfn. equals -muc- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madasthala n. "place of intoxication", a drinking-house, tavern View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madasthānan. "place of intoxication", a drinking-house, tavern View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mradasSee ūrṇa-mrada- and ūrṇā-mradas-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mugadasa mugademu-, mugala-sthāna- Name of places View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nadasyaNom. A1. śyate- to roar View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāradasaṃhitān. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāradasmṛtif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāradastotran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasadhātun. a manner of singing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasamayam. equals -pāṭha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃdarbham. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃdhānan. putting together words (writing them into one word), ibidem or 'in the same place or book or text' as the preceding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃdhim. the euphonic combination of words View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃghāṭam. connecting those words together which in the saṃhitā- are separated by a kind of refrain Va1rtt. 3 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃghātam. idem or 'm. connecting those words together which in the saṃhitā- are separated by a kind of refrain Va1rtt. 3 ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃghātam. a writer, an annotator, one who collects or classifies words View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃhitāf. equals -pāṭha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasaṃtānam. combination of words, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasamūham. a series of words or parts of verses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasamūham. equals -pāṭha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasthamfn. standing on one's feet, going on foot View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasthamfn. equals -sthita- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasthānan. footprint, footmark View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padasthitamfn. being in a station or office View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padastobham. Name of several sāman-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padastobham. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paramapadasopānan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pradasP. -dasyati-, to dry up, become dry View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasn. (according to to some also f.) a seat, residence, abode, dwelling, place of meeting, assembly (especially at a sacrifice; sadasaspati s/adasas-p/ati- m. equals s/adas-p/ati-; sadasi-,"in public") etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasn. a shed erected in the sacrificial enclosure to the east of the prācīnavaṃśa- : View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasn. dual number heaven and earth (equals dyāvā-pṛthivī-) [ confer, compare Greek .] View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasaSee antaḥ-- and bahiḥ-sadasam-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadfor -asat- in compound View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadātmakamf(ikā-)n. having the nature both of entity and non-entity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadātmatāf. the having the nature both of entity and non-entity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadbhāvam. reality and unreality, truth and falsehood View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadrūpamf(ā-)n. having the appearance of being and non-being View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasadvivekam. discrimination between true and false or between good and bad
sadasadvyaktihetum. the cause of the discrimination between true and false or between good and bad View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasanfor -asat- in compound View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasanmayamf(ī-)n. formed or consisting of existent and non-existence View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasaspatim. sadas
sadasatmfn. being and not being, real and unreal View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatmfn. true and false (See n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatmfn. good and bad View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatm. plural the good and the bad View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatn. what is existent and non-existence (also dual number) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatn. the true and the false View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatn. good and evil View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatn. dual number existence and existence, truth and falsehood View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatkhyātivicāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatpatim. a lord of what is existent and non-existence View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatphala(in the beginning of a compound) good and evil consequences View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasatphalamayamf(ī-)n. consisting of good and evil consequences View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasattvan. existence and non-existence View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadaspati(s/adas--) m. dual number "lords of the seat or of the sacrificial assembly", Name of indra- and agni- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasthimālāf. Name of commentator or commentary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasyam. "present in the sacrificial enclosure", an assessor, spectator, member of an assembly (at a sacrifice), a superintending priest, the seventeenth priest (whose duties according to to the kuṣītakin-s, are merely to look on and correct mistakes) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasyam. a person belonging to a learned court-circle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasyāpaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadasyormim. Name of a man (varia lectio sadaśvormi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sagadgadasvaramind. idem or 'mfn. with or having a faltering or stammering voice, ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śakrasadasn. lowering's seat or place View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃdadasvasSee saṃ-das-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃtānapradasūryastotran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāstradasyum. equals -caura- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śleṣārthapadasaṃgraham. Name of a dictionary of ambiguous words (by śrīharṣa-kavi-).
śvāpadasevitamfn. frequented or infested by wild beasts View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trāsadasyavam. patronymic fr. trasa-dasyu- (v/a-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trāsadasyavan. Name of a sāman-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trasadasyu(s/a--) m. (formed like etc.)"before whom the dasyu-s tremble", Name of a prince (son of puru-kutsa-;celebrated for his liberality and favoured by the gods;author of ), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upadasP. -dasyati- (subjunctive -dasat- ) to fail, be wanting, be extinguished or exhausted, dry up ; to want, lose, be deprived of (instrumental case) : Causal -dāsayati-, to cause to fail or cease, extinguish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upadastaetc. See an-upadasta-, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upapadasamāsam. a compound containing an upa-pada- (exempli gratia, 'for example' kumbha-kāra-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ūrṇamradas(/ūrṇa-) mfn. soft as wool View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ūrṇāmradasmfn. (= - mṛdu-), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varadascaturthīf. See varada-c- above View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varapradastavam. Name of a hymn. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vedapadastava(prob.) wrong reading for -pādastava-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yajñasadasn. an assembly of people at a sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
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adas अदस् pron. a. [न दस्यते उत्क्षिप्यते अङ्गुलिर्यत्र इदंतया निर्द्धारणाय पुरोवर्तिनि एवाङ्गुलिनिर्देशः संभवति नापुरो- वर्तिनि, न-दस्-क्विप् Tv.] (असौ m. f. अदः n.). That, (referring to a person or thing not present or near the speaker) (विप्रकृष्ट or परोक्ष); इदमस्तु सन्निकृष्टं समीप- तरवर्ति चैतदो रूपम् । अदसस्तु विप्रकृष्टं तदिति परोक्षे विजानीयात् ॥ अमुष्य विद्या रसनाग्रनर्तकी N.1.5; असौ नामा$हमस्मीति स्वनाम परिकीर्तयेत् Ms.2.122. I am that person, so and so (giving the name); असावहमिति ब्रूयात् 13,216; Y. 1.26. अदस् is, however, often used with reference to प्रत्यक्ष or सन्निकृष्ट objects &c. in the sense of 'this here', 'yonder'. असौ सरण्यः सरणोन्मुखानाम् R.6.21. (असाविति पुरोवर्तिनो निर्देशः Malli.); अमी रथ्याः Ś.1.8.; अमी वह्नयः 4.18;7.11. It is often used in the sense of तत् as a correlative of यत्; हिंसारतश्च यो नित्यं नेहासौ सुखमेधते Ms. 4.17. He, who &c. But when it immediately follows the relative pronoun (यो$सौ, ये अमी &c.) it conveys the sense of प्रसिद्ध 'well-known', 'celebrated', 'renowned'; यो$सावतीन्द्रियग्राह्यः सूक्ष्मो$व्यक्तः सनातनः Ms.1.7; यो$सौ कुमार- सेवको नाम Mu.3; यो$सौ चोरः Dk.68; sometimes अदस् used by itself conveys this sense; विधुरपि विधियोगाद् ग्रस्यते राहुणा$सौ that (so well-known to us all) moon too. See the word तद् also and the quotations from K. P. -ind. There, at that time, then, thus, ever; correlative to some pronominal forms; यदादः, यत्रादः whenever, whereever &c. By अदो$नुपदेशे P.1.4.7. अदस् has the force of a (गति) preposition when no direction to another is implied; अदःकृत्य अदःकृतम्; । परं प्रत्युपदेशे तु अदःकृत्वा अदःकुरु । Sk.
adasīya अदसीय a. Belonging to this or that, Śāhendra.2.42.
adasyati अदस्यति Den. P. To become that P.VIII.2.8.
upadas उपदस् 4 P. To fail, be wanting, dry up or be consumed. -Caus. To cause to fail or cease, extinguish; अनुगच्छन्ती प्राणानुप दासयति ब्रह्मगवी ब्रह्मज्यस्य Av.12.5.27.
sadas सदस् n. [सीदत्यस्यां सद्-असि] 1 Seat, abode, residence, dwelling; शापक्षयादिन्द्रसदो ययौ च Rām.7.56.29. -2 An assembly; पङ्कैर्विना सरो भाति सदः खलजनैर्विना Bv. 1.116; Bh.2.63. (the word is also feminine सदाः, सदसौ, सदसः L. D. B.). -3 The sky; रराज वै परमविमानमास्थितो निशाचरः सदसि गतो यथानलः Rām.7.15.41. (-du.) heaven and earth. -Comp. -अजिरम् a vestibule. -गत a. seated in an assembly; यथा च वृत्तान्तमिमं सदोगतस्त्रिलोचनै- कांशतया दुरासदः R.3.66. -गृहम् an assembly-hall, council-room; नृपस्य नातिप्रमनाः सदोगृहं सुदक्षिणासूनुरपि व्यवर्तत R.3.67.
sadasaspatiḥ सदसस्पतिः The president of an assembly; सदसस्पत- यो$प्येके असन्तोषात् पतन्त्यधः Bhāg.7.15.21;1.74.17.
sadasyaḥ सदस्यः [सदसि साधु वसति वा यत्] 1 Any person present at or belonging to an assembly, a member of an assembly (an assessor, a juror &c.); सदस्याग्न्यार्हणार्हं वै विमृशन्तः सभासदः Bhāg.1.74.18. -2 An assistant at a sacrifice, a superintending or assisting priest; ऋषी- णामार्त्विज्यं शरणद सदस्याः सुरगणाः Śiva-mahimna 21; सदस्यै- रनुज्ञातः Ś.3.
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dvādaśa dvādaśá, a. consisting of twelve, m. twelve-month, vii. 103, 9.
sadassadas sádas-sadas, acc. itv. ed. on each seat, x. 15, 11.
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adas prn. n. (m. f. asau) yon, that: ac. ad. there.
dṛḍhadasyu m. N. of an ancient sage; -dhanvan, a. having a stiff bow; -dhriti, a. strong-willed; -prahâri-tâ, f. hardness of hitting; -bhakti, a. firm in de votion to (lc.); -mati, a. firmly resolved; -mushti, m. tight fist; a. close-fisted.
padasaṃdhi m. euphonic combi nation of words; -stha, a. pedestrian; in vested with office; -sthâna, m. footprint; -sthita, pp. invested with office.
mradas n. (only --°ree;) softness; -i-man, m. softness; mildness, tenderness; -îyas, cpv. (of mridu) softer.
sadasya a. belonging to or being in the sacrificial shed; m. member of a (sacri ficial) assembly; assistant at a sacrificial session (occupying the Sadas and only look ing on during the rites).
sadasaspati m. lord of the sacred precinct or of the assembly (gathered there).
sadasat pr. pt. being and not being; true and false; good and bad; n. what is existent and non-existent; the true and the false; good and evil; m. du. the good and the bad: d-âtmaka, a. (ikâ) having the nature both of the existent and the non-existent; d-bhâva, m. reality and unreality; truth and falsehood.
sadas n. seat, place, abode, dwell ing (V.); shed erected in the sacrificial en closure to the east of the Prâkînavamsa (V.); sacrificial session, assembly (C.): lc. in public.
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ikṣvāku In the Rigveda this name occurs but once, and in a doubtful context. It is clear, however, that it denotes a prince ; later interpretations make Asamāti, whose name is read into the hymn, an Iksvāku prince. In the Atharvaveda also the name is found in only one passage, where it is uncertain whether a descendant of Iksvāku, or Iksvāku himself, is referred to; in either case he seems to be regarded as an ancient hero. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana mention is made of Tryaruna Traidhātva Aiksvāka, who is identical with the Tryaruna Traivrsna of the Brhaddevatā, and with Tryaruna Trasa- dasyu in the Rigveda. The connection of Trasadasyu with the Iksvākus is confirmed by the fact that Purukutsa was an Aiksvāka, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. Thus the Iksvāku line was originally a line of princes of the Pūrus. Zimmer places them on the upper Indus, but they may well have been somewhat further east. Later Iksvāku is connected with Ayodhyā.
ūrṇā ‘Wool,’ is very frequently mentioned from the Rigveda onwards. The Parusnī country was famous for its wool, like Gandhāra for its sheep. The term for the separate tufts was parvan4 or parus.‘ Soft as wool ’ (ūrna-mradas) is not a rare epithet. The sheep is called ‘woolly’ (ūrnāvatī). ‘Woollen thread ’ (ūrnā-sūtra) is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas. The word ūrnā was not restricted to the sense of sheep’s wool, but might denote goat’s hair also.
kakṣīvant Is the name of a Rsi mentioned frequently in the Rigveda, and occasionally elsewhere. He appears to have been a descendant of a female slave named Uśij. He must have been a Pajra by family, as he bears the epithet Pajriya, and his descendants are called Pajras. In a hymn of the Rigveda he celebrates the prince Svanaya Bhāvya, who dwelt on the Sindhu (Indus), as having bestowed magnificent gifts on him ; and the list of Nārāśamsas (‘ Praises of Heroes ’) in the Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra mentions one by Kaksīvant Auśija in honour of Svanaya Bhāvayavya. In his old age he obtained as a wife the maiden Vrcayā. He appears to have lived to be a hundred, the typical length of life in the Vedas. He seems always to be thought of as belonging to the past, and in a hymn of the fourth book of the Rigveda he is mentioned with the semi-mythical Kutsa and Kavi Uśanas. Later, also, he is a teacher of bygone days. In Vedic literature he is not connected with Dīrghatamas beyond being once mentioned along with him in a hymn of the Rigveda. But in the Brhaddevatā he appears as a son of Dīrghatamas by a slave woman, Uśij. Weber14 considers that Kaksīvant was originally a Ksatriya, not a Brāhmana, quoting in favour of this view the fact that he is mentioned beside kings like Para Atnāra, Vītahavya Srāyasa, and Trasadasyu Paurukutsya. But that these are all kings is an unnecessary assumption : these persons are mentioned in the passages in question undoubtedly only as famous men of old, to whom are ascribed mythical sacrificial performances, and who thus gained numerous sons.
kuru The Kurus appear as by far the most important people in the Brāhmana literature. There is clear evidence that it was in the country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru- Pañcālas, that the great Brāhmanas were composed. The Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name being usually coupled with that of the Pañcālas on account of the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pañcālas are often expressly referred to as a united nation. In the land of the Kuru-Pañcālas speech is said to have its particular home ; the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas is proclaimed to be the best ; the Kuru-Pañcāla kings perform the Rājasūya or royal sacrifice ; their princes march forth on raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season Later on the Kuru-Pañcāla Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads. Weber and Grierson have sought to find traces in Vedic literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pañcālas, who were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers to the story in the Kāthaka Samhitā of a dispute between Vaka Dālbhya and Dhrtarāstra Vaicitravīrya, the former being held to be by origin a Pañcāla, while the latter is held to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between Kurus and Pañcālas in the passage in question, which merely preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a priest and a prince: the same passage refers to the Naimisīya sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas, and emphasizes the close connexion of the two peoples. Secondly, Weber conjectures in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā that Subhadrikā of Kāmpīla was the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour¬hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described in the Samhitā was performed. But the interpretation of this passage by Weber is open to grave doubt ; and in the Kānva recension of the Samhitā a passage used at the Rājasūya shows that the Kuru-Pañcālas had actually one king. More¬over, there is the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmana that the old name of the Pañcālas was Krivi. This word looks very like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer plausibly conjectures that the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna of the Rigveda, especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the Asikni.The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. We are told, however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both the Kurus and the Srñjayas, who must therefore at one time have been closely connected. In the Chāndogya Upanisad reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (aśvā), and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm. In the Sūtras, again, a ceremony (Vājapeya) of the Kurus is mentioned. There also a curse, which was pronounced on them and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to. This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in the epic tradition. In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kuruśravana (‘ Glory of the Kurus ^, and of a Pākasthāman Kaurayāna. In the Atharvaveda there occurs as a king of the Kurus Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the śata¬patha Brāhmana as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice.It is a probable conjecture of Oldenberg’s that the Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to by other names in the Rigveda. Kuruśravana, shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the Rigveda called Trāsadasyava, * descendant of Trasadasyu,’ who is well known as a king of the Pūrus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu- Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Pūrus, later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people. Since the Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brāhmana texts as a great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rigveda as having kindled fire on the Drsadvatī, the Apayā, and the Sarasvatī—that is to say, in the sacred places of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, the goddess Bhāratī (‘ belonging to the Bharatas ’) is constantly mentioned in the Aprī (‘ propitiatory ’) hymns together with Sarasvatī. Again, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana, one Bharata king was victorious over the Kāśis, and another made offerings to Gañgā and Yamunā, while raids of the Bharatas against the Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Nor is it without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for the Kuru-Pañcālas in a passage of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given without any mention of the people over which they ruled, while in other cases that information is specifically given.The territory of the Kuru-Pañcālas is declared in the Aitareya Brāhmana to be the middle country (Madhyadeśa). A group of the Kuru people still remained further north—the Uttara Kurus beyond the Himālaya. It appears from a passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana that the speech of the Northerners— that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus—and of the Kuru- Pañcālas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. There seems little doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that it spread thence east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vrātya Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical Aryans) of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and in the fact that in the śāñkhāyana Áranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell in the territory of Magadha. The repeated mention of Kuru- Pañcāla Brahmins is another indication of their missionary activity. The geographical position of the Kuru-Pañcālas renders it probable that they were later immigrants into India than the Kosala-Videha or the Kāśis, who must have been pushed into their more eastward territories by a new wave of Aryan settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic literature to show in what relation of time the immigration of the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west. It has, however, been conjectured, mainly on the ground of later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who, coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes see Kauravya.
kuruśravaṇa trāsadasyava Is alluded to as dead in a hymn of the Rigveda, which refers also to his son Upamaśravas, and his father Mitrātithi. In another hymn he is mentioned as still alive. His name connects him on the one hand with the Kurus, and on the other with Trasadasyu and the Pūrus.
gṛtsamada Is the name of a seer to whom the Sarvānu- kramanī attributes the authorship of the second Mandala of the Rigveda. This tradition is supported by the Aitareya Brāhmana and the Aitareya Aranyaka. The Kausītaki Brāhmana speaks of him as a Bhārgava, ‘ descendant of Bhrgu,’ with a variant Bābhrava, ‘ descendant of Babhru,’ but the later tradition keeps to the former patronymic.4 The Grtsamadas are often mentioned in the second Mandala of the Rigveda,5 and are also called Sunahotras,6 but never Gārtsamadas or Saunahotras, and Grtsamada himself never occurs there.
gṛha Is used in the singular, or oftener in the plural, to denote the ‘ house ’of the Vedic Indian. Dama or Dam has the same sense, while Pastyā and Harmya denote more especially the home with its surroundings, the family settle¬ment. The house held not only the family, which might be of considerable size, but also the cattle and the sheep at night. It was composed of several rooms, as the use of the plural indicates, and it could be securely shut up. The door (Dvār, Dvāra) is often referred to, and from it the house is called Durona. In every house the fire was kept burning. Very little is known of the structure of the house. Presum¬ably stone was not used, and houses were, as in Megasthenes’ time, built of wood. The hymns of the Atharvaveda give some information about the construction of a house, but the details are extremely obscure, for most of the expressions used do not recur in any context in which their sense is clear. According to Zimmer, four pillars (Upamit) were set up on a good site, and against them beams were leant at an angle as props (Pratimit). The upright pillars were connected by cross beams (Parimit) resting upon them. The roof was formed of ribs of bamboo cane (vamśa), a ridge called Visūvant, and a net (Aksu), which may mean a thatch’ed covering over the bamboo ribs. The walls were filled up with grass in bundles (palada), and the whole structure was held together with ties of various sorts (nahana, prānāha, samdamśa, parisvañjalya).13 In connexion with the house, mention is made of four terms which, though primarily sacrificial in meaning, seem to designate parts of the building: Havirdhāna, ‘oblation-holder’; Agniśāla, ‘ fire¬place Patnīnām Sadana, wives’ room ’; and Sadas, ‘ sitting room.’ Slings or hanging vessels (Sikya) are also mentioned. Reedwork (ita) is spoken of, no doubt as part of the finishing of the walls of the house. The sides are called Paksa. The door with its framework was named Atā.
gairikṣita Descendant of Giriksit,’ is the patronymic of Trasadasyu in the Rigveda, and of the Yaskas in the Kāthaka Samhitā.
taranta Appears, along with Purumīdha, as a patron of Syāvāśva in the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana and other Brāhmanas he, together with Purumīdha, is de­scribed as receiving gifts from Dhvasra and Purusanti; but since the receipt of gifts was forbidden to Ksatriyas, they for the nonce became Rsis, and composed a passage in honour of the donors. He, like Purumīdha, was a Vaidadaśvi, or son of Vidadaśva.
tārkṣya Is mentioned in the Rigveda as a divine steed, apparently the sun conceived as a horse. But Foy, judging by the name, apparently a patronymic of Trksi, who is known from the Rigveda onwards as a descendant of Trasadasyu, thinks that a real steed, the property of Trksi, is meant; but this is not very probable. See also Tāruksya.
tṛkṣi Is, in the Rigveda, the name of a prince who was a Trāsadasyava, ‘ descendant of Trasadasyu.’ He also appears with the Druhyu and the Pūru peoples in another hymn. It has been conjectured, but it is not probable, that the steed Tārksya (as * belonging to Trksi ’) was his.
trasadasyu Son of Purukutsa, is mentioned in the Rigveda as king of the Pūrus. He was born to Purukutsa by his wife, Purukutsānī, at a time of great distress; this, according to Sāyana, refers to Purukutsa’s captivity: possibly his death is really meant. Trasadasyu was also a descendant of Giriksit and Purukutsa was a descendant of Durgaha. The genealogy, therefore, appears to be: Durgaha, Giriksit, Purukutsa, Trasa­dasyu. Trasadasyu was the ancestor of Tpksi, and, according to Ludwig, had a son Hiranin. Trasadasyu’s chronological position is determined by the fact that his father, Purukutsa, was a contemporary of Sudās, either as an opponent or as a friend. That Purukutsa was an enemy of Sudās is more probable, because the latter’s predecessor, Divodāsa, was apparently at enmity with the Pūrus, and in the battle of the ten kings Pūrus were ranged against Sudās and the Trtsus. Trasadasyu himself seems to have been an energetic king. His people, the Pūrus, were settled on the Sarasvatī, which was, no doubt, the stream in the middle country, that locality according well with the later union of the Pūrus with the Kuru people, who inhabited that country. This union is exemplified in the person of Kuruśravana, who is called Trāsadasyava, ‘ descendant of Trasadasyu,’ in the Rigveda, whose father was Mitrātithi, and whose son was Upamaśravas. The relation of Mitrātithi to Trksi does not appear. Another descendant of Trasadasyu was Tryaruna Traivrsna, who is simply called Trasadasyu in a hymn of the Rigveda. He was not only a 4 descendant of Trivrsan,’ but, according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, he was also Traidhātva, descendant of Tridhātu.’ The order of these two predecessors of Tryaruna cannot be determined in any way from Vedic literature. According to the later tradition, a prince named Tridhanvan preceded Tryaruna in the succession. Vedic tradition further fails to show in what precise relation Trasadasyu stood to Trivrsan or Tryaruna.
trāsadasyava ‘Descendant of Trasadasyu,’ is the patro­nymic in the Rigveda of Trksi and of Kuruśravana. The word is also applied to Agni as ‘ protector of, or worshipped by, Trasadasyu’ and his line.
tryaruṇa traivṛṣṇa trasadasyu Is the name of a prince whose generosity to a singer is celebrated in a hymn of the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he appears as Tryaruna Traidhātva Aiksvāka, and is the hero of the following story. He was out in his chariot with his Purohita, or domestic priest, Vrśa Jāna, and by excessive speed in driving killed a Brahmin boy. This sin was atoned for by the Puro- hita’s using his Vārśa Sāman (chant). The Sātyāyana Brāh­mana, cited by Sāyana, elaborates the tale. As Vrśa had held the reins, king and priest accused each other of the murder. The Iksvākus being consulted threw the responsibility for the crime on Vrśa, who thereupon revived the boy by the Vārśa Sāman. In consequence of this unfairness of theirs—being Ksatriyas they were partial to a Ksatriya—Agni’s glow ceased to burn in their houses. In response to their appeal to restore it, Vrśa came to them, saw the Piśācī (demoness), who, in the form of Trasadasyu’s wife, had stolen the glow, and succeeded in restoring it to Agni. This version with some variations occurs also in the Brhaddevatā, which connects the story with a hymn of the Rigveda. Sieg’s attempt to show that the hymn really refers to this tale is not at all successful. It is clear that Trasadasyu must here mean ‘descendant of Trasadasyu,’ and not King Trasadasyu himself. The difference of the patronymics, Traivrsna and Traidhātva, by which he is referred to can best be explained by assuming that there were two kings, Trivrsan and Tridhātu (or possibly Tridhanvan), from whom Tryaruna was descended. The connexion with the Iksvākus is important (see Iksvāku).
daśan ‘Ten,’ forms the basis of the numerical system of the Vedic Indians, as it does of the Aryan people generally. But it is characteristic of India that there should be found at a very early period long series of names for very high numerals, whereas the Aryan knowledge did not go beyond 1,000. In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā the list is 1 ; 10; 100; 1,000 ; ιο,οοο {ayuta) \ ιοο,οοο (ηiyuta); ι,οοο,οοο(prayuta); 10,000,000 {arbuda); 100,000,000 (ηyarbuda)', 1,000,000,000 (samudra); 10,000,000,000 (madhya); ιοο,οοο,οοο,οοο (aηta); 1,000,000,000,000 {parārdha). In the Kāthaka Samhitā the list is the same, but ηiyuta and prayuta exchange places, and after ηyarbuda a new figure (badva) intervenes, thus increasing samudra to ιο,οοο,οοο,οοο, and so on. The Taittirīya Samhitā has in two places exactly the same list as the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. The Maitrāyanī Samhitā has the list ayuta, prayuta, then ayuta again, arbuda, ηyarbuda, samudra, madhya, aηta, parārdha. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmana has the Vājasaneyi list up to ηyarbuda inclusive, then follow ηikharvaka, badva, aksita, and apparently go = ι,οοο,οοο,οοο,οοο. The Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana list replaces nikharvaka by nikharva, badva by padma, and ends with aksitir vyomāntah. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra con¬tinues the series after nyarbuda with nikharvāda, samudra, salila, antya, ananta (=10 billions).But beyond ayuta none of these numbers has any vitality. Badva, indeed, occurs in the Aitareya Brāhmana, but it cannot there have any precise numerical sense j and later on the names of these high numerals are very much confused. An arithmetical progression of some interest is found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, where occurs a list of sacrificial gifts in which each successive figure doubles the amount of the preceding one. It begins with dvādaśa-mānam hiranyam, * gold to the value of 12 ’ (the unit being uncertain, but probably the Krsnala18), followed by ‘to the value of 24, 48, 96, 192, 384, 768, 1,536, 3072/ then dve astāvimśati-śata-māne, which must mean 2 x 128 X 24 (the last unit being not a single māna, but a number of 24 mānas) = 6,144, then 12,288, 24,576, 49,152, 98,304, 196,608, 393,216. With these large numbers may be compared the minute theoretical subdivision of time found in the śatapatha Brāhmana, where a day is divided into 15 muhūrtas—1 muhūrta =15 ksipras, 1 ksipra =15 etarhis, I etarhi = 15 idānis, 1 idāni =15 prānas. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra15 has a decimal division of the day into 15 muhūrtas—• i muhūrta = 10 nimesas, 1 nimesa = 10 dhvamsis. Few fractions are mentioned in Vedic literature. Ardha, pāda, śapha, and kalā denote J, J, TV respectively, but only the first two are common. Trtīya denotes the third part.16 In the Rigveda Indra and Visnu are said to have divided ι,οοο by 3, though how they did so is uncertain. Tri-pād denotes 4 three-fourths.’ There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is perfectly possible.
durgaha Is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda, where his grandsons are lauded for their generosity, though Sāyana renders the word adjectivally. In another passage of the Rigveda, however, Sāyana sees in the epithet Daurgaha a description of Purukutsa as Durgaha’s son, who was either captured by the enemy or slain, and whose wife, Purukutsānī, then obtained a son, Trasadasyu, to restore the line; he also quotes a story, not found in the Brhaddevatā, to support this interpretation. On the other hand, the śatapatha Brāhmana seems to take Daurgaha as meaning a horse. Sieg thinks that the same sense should be adopted in the Rigveda passage, which he interprets as referring to the sacrifice of a horse, Daurgaha, by King Purukutsa to gain a son; he also sees in Dadhikrāvan, with Pischel and Ludwig, a real horse, the charger of Trasadasyu. The śatapatha Brāhmana's inter­pretation of Daurgaha is, however, doubtful, and cannot be regarded as receiving support from the case of Dadhikrāvan, who was probably a divinity, and not a real horse at all.
nakṣatra Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana re­solves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis). 17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v. 18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e. 20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā. 21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred. 24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse. 26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
nada Is found in several passages of the Rigveda, but its sense is still obscure. It is identified by Pischel with Nada, being explained by him in one passage as a reed boat, which is split, and over which the waters go; in another4 as a reed whip, of which the sharp points (karηa) are used to urge horses on; and in others again as figuratively designating the penis. Roth takes the sense to be ‘ bull ’ (either literally or meta-phorically) in all passages. Once at least the ‘ neigher ’ (from the root nadf ‘sound’) seems to be meant with reference to Indra’s horse. In the phrase nadasya karnaih8 the sense is, perhaps, ‘ through the ears of the (side) horse ’ (that is, by their being ready to hear the word of command) of their chariot, the Maruts ‘ hasten On with their swift steeds ’ (turayanta āśubhih).
nāman ‘Name,’ is a common word from the Rigveda onwards. The Grhya Sūtras give elaborate rules for the formation of the names of children, but more important is the distinction between the secret (guhya) and the ordinary name, though the rules as to the secret name are not at all consistent. The secret name is already recognized in the Rigveda, and is referred to in the Brāhmanas, one secret name, that of Arjuna for Indra, being given in the Satapatha Brāhmana. It is to be noted that the rule as to giving the designation of a Naksatra (lunar asterism) as the secret name or otherwise is not illustrated by a single recorded name of a teacher in the Brāhmanas. The śatapatha Brāhmana several times mentions the adoption of a second name with a view to securing success, and also refers to the adoption of another name for purposes of distinction. In actual practice two names are usually found in the Brāhmanas, the second being a patronymic or a metronymic, as in Kaksīvant Auśija (if the story of the slave woman Uśij as his mother is correct), or Brhaduktha Vāmneya, ‘ son of Vāmnī,’ though the relationship may, of course, be not direct parentage, but more remote descent. Three names are less common—for example, Kūśāmba Svāyava Lātavya, ‘ son of Svāyu, of the Lātavya (son of Latu) family,’ or Devataras Syāvasāyana Kāśyapa, where the patronymic and the Gotra name are both found. In other cases the names probably have a local reference—e.g., Kauśāmbeya and Gāñgya. Fre¬quently the patronymic only is given, as Bhārgava, Maudgalya, etc., or two patronymics are used. The simple name is often used for the patronymic—e.g., Trasadasyu. In a few cases the name of the wife is formed from the husband’s name, as Uśīnarānī, Purukutsānī, Mudgalānī.
niṣāda Is found in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas. The word seems to denote not so much a particular tribe, but to be the general term for the non-Aryan tribes who were not under Aryan control, as the Sūdras were, for Aupamanyava took the five peoples (pañca jaηāh) to be the four castes (catvāro varnāh) and the Nisādas, and the commentator Mahīdhara explains the word where it occurs in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā as meaning a Bhilla, or Bhīl. A village of Nisādas is men¬tioned in the Lātyāyana Srauta Sūtra, and a Nisāda Sthapati, a leader of some kind, is referred to in the Kātyāyana Srauta Sūtra and in a Brāhmana cited by the scholiast on that passage. Weber thinks that the Nisādas were the settled aborigines (from ni, ‘down,’ and sad, ‘settle’), a view sup-ported by the fact that the ritual of the Viśvajit sacrifice requires a temporary residence with Nisādas; for the Nisādas who would permit an Aryan to reside temporarily amongst them must have been partially amenable to Aryan influence. But the name might easily be applied to the whole body of aborigines outside the Aryan organization. Von Schroeder thinks that the Nisādas were most probably identical with the Nysseans, who, according to the Greek account, sent an embassy to Alexander when he was in the territory of the Aśvakas, but this identification is doubtful.
paktha Is the name of a people in the Rigveda, where they appear as one of the tribes that opposed the Trtsu-Bharatas in the Dāśarājña, or ‘ battle of the ten kings.’ Zimmer compares them with the tribe of Tlá/cτves and their country ΤΙακτυική, mentioned as in the north-west of India by Herodotus,4 and with the modern Pakhthūn in Eastern Afghanistan, holding that they were a northern tribe; this is probable, since the Bharatas seem to have occupied the Madhyadeśa, or ‘ Middle Land.’ In three passages of the Rigveda5 a Paktha is referred to as a protágá of the Aśvins. The second connects him wifh Trasadasyu, whose tribe, the Pūrus, were aided by the Pakthas in their unsuccessful onslaught on Sudās. In the third passage he seems specified as Tūrvāyana, and appears as an opponent of Cyavāna.6 Probably, therefore, Paktha in all cases denotes the king of the Paktha people.
pañcajanāḥ The ‘five peoples,’ are mentioned under various names in Vedic literature. Who are meant by the five is very uncertain. The Aitareya Brāhmana explains the five to be gods, men, Gandharvas and Apsarases, snakes, and the Fathers. Aupamanyava held that the four castes (Varna) and the Nisādas made up the five, and Sāyana is of the same opinion. Yāska thinks that the five are the Gandharvas, fathers, gods, Asuras, and Raksases. No one of these explanations can be regarded as probable. Roth and Geldner think that all the peoples of the earth are meant: just as there are four quarters (Diś), there are peoples at the four quarters (N. E. S. W.), with the Aryan folk in the middle. Zimmer opposes this view on the ground that the inclusion of all peoples in one expression is not in harmony with the distinction so often made between Aryan and Dāsa ; that neither janāsah, ‘ men,’ nor mānusāh, ‘people,’ could be used of non-Aryans; that the Soma is referred to as being among the five tribes; that the five tribes are mentioned as on the Sarasvatī, and that Indra is pāñca- jany a, ‘ belonging to the five peoples.’ Pie concludes that Aryans alone are meant, and in particular the five tribes of the Anus, Druhyus, Yadus, Turvaśas, and Pūrus, who are all mentioned together in one or perhaps two hymns of the Rigveda, and four of whom occur in another hymn. But he admits that the expression might easily be used more generally later. Hopkins has combated Zimmer’s view, but his own opinion rests mainly on his theory that there was no people named Turvaśa, but only a king of the Yadus called Turvaśa, and that theory is not very probable. In the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Aitareya Brāhmana the five peoples are opposed to the Bharatas, and in the former work seven peoples are alluded to.
purukutsa Is the name of a king who is mentioned several times in the Rigveda. In one passage he is mentioned as a contemporary of Sudās, but whether as a foe, according to Ludwig, or merely as a contemporary, according to Hille­brandt, is uncertain. In two other passages he is mentioned as victorious by divine favour, and in another he appears as a king of the Pūrus and a conqueror of the Dāsas. His son was Trasadasyu, who is accordingly called Paurukutsya or Paurukutsi. Different conclusions have been drawn from one hymn of the Rigveda in which the birth of Purukutsa’s son, Trasadasyu, is mentioned. The usual interpretation is that Purukutsa was killed in battle or captured, whereupon his wife secured a son to restore the fortunes of the Pūrus. But Sieg offers a completely different interpretation. According to him the word daurgahe, which occurs in the hymn, and which in the ordinary view is rendered descendant of Durgaha,' an ancestor of Purukutsa, is the name of a horse, the hymn recording the success of an Aśvamedha (‘horse sacrifice’) undertaken by Purukutsa for his wife, as by kings in later times, to secure a son. This interpretation is supported by the version of daurgahe given in the śatapatha, but is by no means certain. Moreover, if Purukutsa was a contemporary of Sudās, the defeat of the Pūrus by Sudās in the Dāśarājña might well have been the cause of the troubles from which Purukutsānī, by the birth of Trasadasyu, rescued the family. In the śatapatha Brāhmana Purukutsa is called an Aiksvāka.
purukutsánī ‘ Wife of Purukutsa,’ is mentioned as the mother of Trasadasyu in one hymn of the Rigveda.
purumīḷha Is mentioned twice in the Rigveda as an ancient sage, in which capacity he appears in the Atharvaveda also. Perhaps the same Purumīlha is intended in an obscure hymn in the Rigveda, where, according to the legends reported in the Brhaddevatā and by Sadguruśisya in his commentary on the Sarvānukramanī, and by Sāyana in his commentary on the Rigveda, he as well as Taranta was a son of Vidadaśva, and a patron of the singer Syāvāśva. The correctness of the legend has been shown to be most improbable by Oldenberg, who points out that the legend misinterprets the Rigveda by making Purumīlha a Vaidadaśvi, for he is there only compared in generosity to one. In another legend found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and based on a hymn of the Rigveda, Purumīlha and Taranta appear as persons who received gifts from Dhvasra and Puru- isanti, and as sons of Vidadaśva. The legend, which also occurs in the śātyāyanaka, is apparently best explained by Sieg, who says that as the two were kings they could not under the rules of caste accept gifts, unless for the nonce they became singers. The legend has no claim at all, as Oldenberg shows, to validity.
puruṣa Is the generic term for man ’ in the Rigveda and later. Man is composed of five parts accord­ing to the Atharvaveda, or of six according to the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, or of sixteen, or of twenty, or of twenty-one, or of twenty-four, or of twenty-five, all more or less fanciful enumerations. Man is the first of animals, but also essentially an animal (see Paśu). The height of a man is given in the Kātyāyana śrauta Sūtra as four Aratnis (‘cubits’), each of two Padas ('feet’), each of twelve Añgulis ('finger’s breadths’); and the term Puruṣa itself is found earlier as a measure of length. Puruṣa is also applied to denote the length of a man’s life, a ‘generation’ ;the * pupil ’ in the eye ; and in the gram¬matical literature the * person of the verb.
pūru Is the name of a people and their king in the Rigveda. They are mentioned with the Anus, Druhyus, Turvaśas, and Yadus in one passage. They also occur as enemies of the TrtSUS in the hymn of Sudās’ victory. In another hymn Agni of the Bharatas is celebrated as victorious over the Pūrus, probably a reference to the same decisive overthrow. On the other hand, victories of the Pūrus over the aborigines seem to be referred to in several passages. The great kings of the Pūrus were Purukutsa and his son Trasadasyu, whose name bears testimony to his prowess against aboriginal foes, while a later prince was Trksi Trāsa- dasyava. In the Rigveda the Pūrus are expressly mentioned as on the Sarasvatī. Zimmer thinks that the Sindhu (Indus) is meant in this passage. But Ludwig and Hillebrandt with much greater probability think that the eastern Sarasvatī in Kuruksetra is meant. This view accords well with the sudden disappearance of the name of the Pūrus from Vedic tradition, a disappearance accounted for by Oldenberg’s conjecture that the Pūrus became part of the great Kuru people, just as Turvaśa and Krivi disappear from the tradition on their being merged in the Pañcāla nation. Trāsadasyava, the patronymic of Kuruśravana in the Rigveda, shows that the royal families of the Kurus and the Pūrus were allied by intermarriage. Hillebrandt, admitting that the Pūrus in later times lived in the eastern country round the Sarasvatī, thinks that in earlier days they were to be found to the west of the Indus with Divodāsa. This theory must fall with the theory that Divodāsa was in the far west. It might, however, be held to be supported by the fact that Alexander found a Πώρος—that is, a Paurava prince on the Hydaspes, a sort of half-way locality between the Sarasvatī and the West. But it is quite simple to suppose either that the Hydaspes was the earlier home of the Pūrus, where some remained after the others had wandered east, or that the later Paurava represents a successful onslaught upon the west from the east. In several other passages of the Rigveda the Purus as a people seem to be meant. The Nirukta recognizes the general sense of ‘man,’ but in no passage is this really necessary or even probable. So utterly, however, is the tradition lost that the śatapatha Brāhmana explains Pūru in the Rigveda as an Asura Rakṣas; it is only in the Epic that Pūru revives as the name of a son of Yayāti and śarmiṣṭhā.
pauru kutsa Are variant forms of the patronymic of Trasadasyu, the descendant of Purukutsa.
brāmaṇa Descendant of a Brahman' (i.e., of a priest), is found only a few times in the Rigveda, and mostly in its latest parts. In the Atharvaveda and later it is a very common word denoting ‘priest,’ and it appears in the quadruple division of the castes in the Purusa-sūkta (‘hymn of man’) of the Rigveda. It seems certain that in the Rigveda this Brāhmaṇa, or Brahmin, is already a separate caste, differing from the warrior and agricultural castes. The texts regularly claim for them a superiority to the Kṣatriya caste, and the Brahmin is able by his spells or manipulation of the rite to embroil the people and the warriors or the different sections of the warriors. If it is necessary to. recognize, as is sometimes done, that the Brahmin does pay homage to the king at the Rājasūya, nevertheless the unusual fact is carefully explained away so as to leave the priority of the Brahmin unaffected. But it is expressly recognized that the union of the Ksatriya and the Brāhmaṇa is essential for complete prosperity. It is admitted that the king or the nobles might at times oppress the Brahmins, but it is indicated that ruin is then certain swiftly to follow. The Brahmins are gods on earth, like the gods in heaven, but this claim is hardly found in the Rigveda. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Brahmin is said to be the ‘ recipient of gifts * (ādāyt) and the * drinker of the offering ’ (āpāyT). The other two epithets applied, āvasāyī and yathā- kāma-prayāpya, are more obscure; the former denotes either ‘ dwelling everywhere ’ or ‘ seeking food ’; the latter is usually taken as * moving at pleasure,’ but it must rather allude to the power of the king to assign a place of residence to the Brahmin. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the prerogatives of the Brah¬min are summed up as Arcā, ‘honour’; Dāna, ‘gifts’; Aj'yeyatā,‘ freedom from oppression ’; and Avadhyatā, ‘ freedom from being killed.’ On the other hand, his duties are summed up as Brāhmanya, ‘ purity of descent’; Pratirūpa-caryā, ‘devotion of the duties of his caste’; and Loka-pakti, ‘the perfecting of people ’ (by teaching). ī. Respect paid to Brahmins. The texts are full of references to the civilities to be paid to the Brahmin. He is styled bhagavant, and is provided with good food and entertain¬ment wherever he goes. Indeed, his sanctity exempts him from any close inquiry into his real claim to Brahminhood according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Gifts to Brahmins. The Dānastuti (‘Praise of gifts’) is a recognized feature of the Rigveda, and the greed of the poets for Dakṣiṇās, or sacrificial fees, is notorious. Vedic texts themselves recognize that the literature thence resulting (Nārā- śamsī) was often false to please the donors. It was, however, a rule that Brahmins should not accept what had been refused by others; this indicates a keen sense of the danger of cheapening their wares. So exclusively theirs was the right to receive gifts that the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa has to explain how Taranta and Purumīlha became able to accept gifts by composing a Rigvedic hymn. The exaggerations in the celebration of the gifts bestowed on the priests has the curious result of giving us a series of numerals of some interest (Daśan). In some passages certain gifts those of a horse or sheep are forbidden, but this rule was not, it is clear, generally observed. Immunities of Brahmins. The Brahmin claimed to be exempt from the ordinary exercise of the royal power. When a king gives all his land and what is on it to the priests, the gift does not cover the property of the Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. The king censures all, but not the Brahmin, nor can he safely oppress any Brahmin other than an ignorant priest. An arbitrator (or a witness) must decide (or speak) for a Brahmin against a non-Brahmin in a legal dispute. The Brahmin’s proper food is the Soma, not Surā or Parisrut, and he is forbidden to eat certain forms of flesh. On the other hand, he alone is allowed to eat the remains of the sacrifice, for no one else is sufficiently holy to consume food which the gods have eaten. Moreover, though he cannot be a physician, he helps the physician by being beside him while he exercises his art. His wife and his cow are both sacred. 4.Legal Position of. Brahmins.—The Taittirīya Samhitā lays down a penalty of a hundred (the unit meant is unknown) for an insult to a Brahmin, and of a thousand for a blow ; but if his blood is drawn, the penalty is a spiritual one. The only real murder is the slaying of a Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. The crime of slaying a Brahmin ranks above the sin of killing any other man, but below that of killing an embryo (bhrūna) in the Yajurveda ; the crime of slaying an embryo whose sex is uncertain is on a level with that of slaying a Brahmin. The murder of a Brahmin can be expiated only by the horse sacrifice, or by a lesser rite in the late Taittirīya Araṇyaka.The ritual slaying of a Brahmin is allowed in the later ceremonial, and hinted at in the curious legend of śunahśepa ; and a Purohita might be punished with death for treachery to his master. 5.Purity of Birth. The importance of pure descent is seeη in the stress laid on being a descendant of a Rṣi (ārseya). But, on the other hand, there are clear traces of another doctrine, which requires learning, and not physical descent, as the true criterion of Rsihood. In agreement with this is the fact that Satyakāma Jābāla was received as a pupil, though his parentage was unknown, his mother being a slave girl who had been connected with several men, and that in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the ceremony on acceptance as a pupil required merely the name of the pupil. So Kavasa is taunted in the Rigveda Brāhmaṇas as being the son of a female slave (Dāsī), and Vatsa cleared himself of a similar imputation by a fire ordeal. Moreover, a very simple rite was adequate to remove doubts as to origin. In these circumstances it is doubtful whether much value attaches to the Pravara lists in which the ancestors of the priest were invoked at the beginning of the sacrifice by the Hotṛ and the Adhvaryu priests.66 Still, in many parts of the ritual the knowledge of two or more genera¬tions was needed, and in one ceremony ten ancestors who have drunk the Soma are required, but a literal performance of the rite is excused. Moreover, there are clear traces of ritual variations in schools, like those of the Vasisthas and the Viśvāmitras. 6. The Conduct of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required to maintain a fair standard of excellence. He was to be kind to all and gentle, offering sacrifice and receiving gifts. Especial stress was laid on purity of speech ; thus Viśvan- tara’s excuse for excluding the Syaparnas from his retinue was their impure (apūtā) speech. Theirs was the craving for knowledge and the life of begging. False Brahmins are those who do not fulfil their duties (cf, Brahmabandhu). But the penances for breach of duty are, in the Sūtras, of a very light and unimportant character. 7. Brahminical Studies. The aim of the priest is to obtain pre-eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcasam), as is stated in numerous passages of Vedic literature. Such distinction is not indeed confined to the Brahmin: the king has it also, but it is not really in a special manner appropriate to the Kṣatriya. Many ritual acts are specified as leading to Brahmavarcasa, but more stress is laid on the study of the sacred texts : the importance of such study is repeatedly insisted upon. The technical name for study is Svādhyāya : the śatapatha Brāhmana is eloquent upon its advantages, and it is asserted that the joy of the learned śrotriya, or ‘student,’ is equal to the highest joy possible. Nāka Maudgfalya held that study and the teaching of others were the true penance (tapas).7δ The object was the ‘ threefold knowledge’ (trayī vidyā), that of the Rc, Yajus, and Sāman, a student of all three Vedas being called tri-śukriya or tn-sukra, ‘thrice pure.’ Other objects of study are enumerated in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, in the Taittirīya Aranyaka, the Chāndogya Upanisad, etc. (See Itihāsa, Purāna; Gāthā, Nārāśamsī; Brahmodya; Anuśās- ana, Anuvyākhyāna, Anvākhyāna, Kalpa, Brāhmaria; Vidyā, Ksatravidyā, Devajanavidyā, Nakçatravidyā, Bhūta- vidyā, Sarpavidyā; Atharvāñgirasah, Daiva, Nidhi, Pitrya, Rāśi; Sūtra, etc.) Directions as to the exact place and time of study are given in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka and in the Sūtras. If study is carried on in the village, it is to be done silently (manasā); if outside, aloud (vācā). Learning is expected even from persons not normally competent as teachers, such as the Carakas, who are recognized in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as possible sources of information. Here, too, may be mentioned the cases of Brahmins learning from princes, though their absolute value is doubtful, for the priests would naturally represent their patrons as interested in their sacred science: it is thus not necessary to see in these notices any real and independent study on the part of the Kṣatriyas. Yājñavalkya learnt from Janaka, Uddālaka Aruni and two other Brahmins from Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Drptabālāki Gārgya from Ajātaśatru, and five Brahmins under the lead of Aruṇa from Aśvapati Kaikeya. A few notices show the real educators of thought: wandering scholars went through the country and engaged in disputes and discussions in which a prize was staked by the disputants. Moreover, kings like Janaka offered rewards to the most learned of the Brahmins; Ajātaśatru was jealous of his renown, and imitated his generosity. Again, learned women are several times mentioned in the Brāhmaṇas. A special form of disputation was the Brahmodya, for which there was a regular place at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and at the Daśarātra (‘ ten-day festival,). The reward of learning was the gaining of the title of Kavi or Vipra, ‘ sage.’ 8. The Functions of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required not merely to practise individual culture, but also to give others the advantage of his skill, either as a teacher or as a sacrificial priest, or as a Purohita. As a teacher the Brahmin has, of course, the special duty of instructing his own son in both study and sacrificial ritual. The texts give examples of this, such as Áruṇi and Svetaketu, or mythically Varuṇa and Bhṛgu. This fact also appears from some of the names in the Vamśa Brāhmana" of the Sāmaveda and the Vamśa (list of teachers) of the śāñkhāyana Áraṇyaka. On the other hand, these Vamśas and the Vamśas of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa show that a father often preferred to let his son study under a famous teacher. The relation of pupil and teacher is described under Brahmacarya. A teacher might take several pupils, and he was bound to teach them with all his heart and soul. He was bound to reveal everything to his pupil, at any rate to one who was staying with him for a year (saηivatsara-vāsin), an expression which shows, as was natural, that a pupil might easily change teachers. But, nevertheless, certain cases of learning kept secret and only revealed to special persons are enumerated. The exact times and modes of teaching are elaborately laid down in the Sūtras, but not in the earlier texts. As priest the Brahmin operated in all the greater sacrifices; the simple domestic {grhya) rites could normally be performed without his help, but not the more important rites {śrauta). The number varied : the ritual literature requires sixteen priests to be employed at the greatest sacrifices (see Rtvij), but other rites could be accomplished with four, five, six, seven, or ten priests. Again, the Kauçītakins had a seventeenth priest beside the usual sixteen, the Sadasya, so called because he watched the performance from the Sadas, seat.’ In one rite, the Sattra (‘sacrificial session') of the serpents, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, adds three more to the sixteen, a second Unnetṛ, an Abhigara, and an Apagara. The later ritual places the Brahman at the head of all the priests, but this is probably not the early view (see Brahman). The sacrifice ensured, if properly performed, primarily the advantages of the sacrificer (yajamāna), but the priest shared in the profit, besides securing the Daksiṇās. Disputes between sacrificers and the priests were not rare, as in the case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas, or Janamejaya and the Asitamrgras and the Aiçāvīras are referred to as undesirable priests. Moreover, Viśvāmitra once held the post of Purohita to Sudās, but gave place to Vasiṣtha. The position of Purohita differed considerably from that of the ordinary priest, for the Purohita not merely might officiate at the sacrifice, but was the officiator in all the private sacrifices of his king. Hence he could, and undoubtedly sometimes did, obtain great influence over his master in matters of secular importance; and the power of the priesthood in political as opposed to domestic and religious matters, no doubt rested on the Purohita. There is no recognition in Vedic literature of the rule later prevailing by which, after spending part of his life as a Brahma- cārin, and part as a householder, the Brahmin became an ascetic (later divided into the two stages of Vānaprastha, ‘forest-dweller,’ and Samnyāsin, ‘mystic ’). Yājñavalkya's case shows that study of the Absolute might empty life of all its content for the sage, and drive him to abandon wife and family. In Buddhist times the same phenomenon is seen applying to other than Brahmins. The Buddhist texts are here confirmed in some degree by the Greek authorities. The practice bears a certain resemblance to the habit of kings, in the Epic tradition,of retiring to the forest when active life is over. From the Greek authorities it also appears what is certainly the case in the Buddhist literature that Brahmins practised the most diverse occupations. It is difficult to say how far this was true for the Vedic period. The analogy of the Druids in some respects very close suggests that the Brahmins may have been mainly confined to their professional tasks, including all the learned professions such as astronomy and so forth. This is not contradicted by any Vedic evidence ; for instance, the poet of a hymn of the Rigveda says he is a poet, his father a physician (Bhiṣaj), and his mother a grinder of corn (Upala-prakṣiṇī). This would seem to show that a Brahmin could be a doctor, while his wife would perform the ordinary household duties. So a Purohita could perhaps take the field to assist the king by prayer, as Viśvāmitra, and later on Vasiṣtha do, but this does not show that priests normally fought. Nor do they seem normally to have been agriculturists or merchants. On the other hand, they kept cattle: a Brahmacarin’s duty was to watch his master’s cattle.129 It is therefore needless to suppose that they could not, and did not, on occasion turn to agricultural or mercan¬tile pursuits, as they certainly did later. But it must be remembered that in all probability there was more purity of blood, and less pressure of life, among the Brahmins of the Vedic age than later in Buddhist times, when the Vedic sacrificial apparatus was falling into grave disrepute. It is clear that the Brahmins, whatever their defects, represented the intellectual side of Vedic life, and that the Kṣatriyas, if they played a part in that life, did so only in a secondary degree, and to a minor extent. It is natural to suppose that the Brahmins also composed ballads, the precursors of the epic; for though none such have survived, a few stanzas of this character, celebrating the generosity of patrons, have been preserved by being embedded in priestly compositions. A legend in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa shows clearly that the Brahmins regarded civilization as being spread by them only: Kosala and Videha, no doubt settled by Aryan tribes, are only rendered civilized and habitable by the influence of pious Brahmins. We need not doubt that the non-Brahminical tribes (see Vrātya) had attained intellectual as well as material civilization, but it is reasonable to assume that their civilization was inferior to that of the Brahmins, for the history of Hinduism is the conquest by the Brahmins not by arms, but by mind of the tribes Aryan and non-Aryan originally beyond the pale.
bharata Is the name of a people of great importance in the Rigveda and the later literature. In the Rigveda they appear prominently in the third and seventh Maṇdalas in connexion with Sudās and the Tftsus, while in the sixth Maṇdala they are associated with Divodāsa. In one passage the Bharatas are, like the Tṛtsus, enemies of the Pūrus: there can be little doubt that Ludwig’s view of the identity of the Bharatas and and Tṛtsus is practically correct. More precisely Oldenberg considers that the Tṛtsus are the Vasiṣhas, the family singers of the Bharatas; while Geldner recognizes, with perhaps more probability, in the Tṛtsus the royal family of the Bharatas. That the Tṛtsus and Bharatas were enemies, as Zimmer holds, is most improbable even on geographical grounds, for the Tṛtsus in Zimmer’s view occupied the country to the east of the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and the Bharatas must therefore be regarded as coming against the Tṛtsus from the west, whereas the Rigveda recognizes two Bharata chiefs on the Sarasvatī, Ápayā, and Dpçadvatī that is, in the holy land of India, the Madhyadeśa. Hillebrandt sees in the connexion of the Tṛtsus and the Bharatas a fusion of two tribes; but this is not supported by any evidence beyond the fact that in his opinion some such theory is needed to explain Divodāsa's appearing in connexion with the Bharadvāja family, while Sudās, his son, or perhaps grandson {cf. Pijavana), is connected with the Vasiṣthas and the Viśvāmitras. In the later literature the Bharatas appear as especially famous. The śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as a king, sacrificer of the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and śatānīka Sātrājita, as another Bharata who offered that sacrifice. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as receiving the kingly coronation from Dlrghatamas Māmateya, and śatānīka as being consecrated by Somaśuçman Vājaratnāyana, a priest whose name is of quite late origin. The geographical position of the Bharata people is clearly shown by the fact that the Bharata kings win victories over the Kāśis, and make offerings on the Yamunā (Jumna) and Gañgfā (Ganges). Moreover, in the formula of the king’s proclamation for the people, the variants recorded include Kuravah, Pañcālāh, Kuru-Pañcālāh,, and Bharatāh ; and the Mahābhārata consistently recognizes the royal family of the Kurus as a Bharata family. It is therefore extremely probable that Oldenberg is right in holding that the Bharatas in the times of the Brāhmaṇas were merging in the Kuru-Pañcāla people. The ritual practices of the Bharatas are repeatedly mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, and the Taittirīya Aranyaka. Already in the Rigveda there is mention made of Agni Bhārata (‘of the Bharatas’). In the Apr! hymns occurs a goddess Bhāratī, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas : her association in the hymns with Sarasvatī reflects the connexion 'of the Bharatas with the Sarasvatī in the Rigveda. Again, in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Agni is referred to as brāhmana Bhārata, ‘priest of the Bharatas,’ and is invited to dispose of the offering Manusvat Bharatavat, ‘like Manu,’ ‘like Bharata.’ In one or two passages Sudās or Divodāsa and, on the other hand, Purukutsa or Trasadasyu appear in a friendly relation. Possibly this points, as Oldenberg suggests, to the union of Bharatas and Pūrus with the Kurus. A Bharata is referred to in the fifth Mandala of the Rigveda who he was is uncertain.
bhāḍitāyana ‘Descendant of Bhaṣlita is the patronymic of śākadāsa in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa.
mānutantavya ‘Descendant of Manutantu,’ is the patro­nymic of AikādaśāJcça in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. The Saumāpau Mānutantavyau, ‘two Saumāpas, descendants of Manutantu,’ are mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.
vadhū Is in one passage of the Rigveda taken by Roth to denote a ‘ female animal,’ while Zimmer urges that it means a ‘ female slave.’ As far as the use of Vadhū goes, either meaning is abnormal, for if Vadhū never elsewhere means a female animal (from vah, to draw ’ a cart), neither does it denote a slave: as the passage refers to a gift of fifty Vadhūs by Trasadasyu Paurukutsya to the singer, the latter must have been a polygamist of an advanced type to require fifty wives. The same doubt arises in the case of vadhūmant, which is used in the Rigveda and Atharvaveda as an epithet of the chariot (Ratha), of horses (Aśva), and of buffaloes (Uçtra). Zimmer sees in all cases a reference to slaves in the chariots or with the horses: this interpretation has the support of the Brhaddevatā. Roth’s version of the references to horses or buffaloes as suitable for draught ’ is not very happy ; if vadhū is really a female animal vadhūmant means rather ‘ together with mares,’ or together with female buffaloes,’ which makes reasonable sense.
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vimada Is credited by the Anukramanī (Index) with the authorship of a number of hymns of the Rigveda. This attribution is supported by the occurrence in this group of the name of the seer, and once of his family, the Vimadas, besides the repeated refrain vi vo made, ‘in your carouses.’ Vimada is occasionally alluded to later.
vaidadaśvi ‘Descendant of Vidadaśva,’ is the patronymic of Taranta in the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminlya Brāhmaṇa the Vaidadaśvis are Taranta and Purumflha. The latter is not a Vaidadaśvi in the Rigveda, a clear sign of the worthlessness of the legends relative to these two men in the Brāhmanas.
śyāvāśva Is the name of a man mentioned several times in the Rigveda. The Anukramanī (Index) assigns to him a series of hymns in the fifth, eight, and ninth books. In one of the hymns śyāvāśva mentions, apparently as his patrons, Taranta (a son of Vidadaśva) and Purumīlha, as well as Rathavīti. On this hymn is based a legend found in the Bṛhaddevatā, that he was the son of Arcanānas, who was sacrificing for Rathavīti Dālbhya. The father was anxious to obtain the king’s daughter for his son in marriage; but though the father was willing, his wife insisted on her son-in-law being a Rṣi. The father and son, repulsed, were returning home, when they met on the way Taranta and Purumīdha, former patrons of the father. These showed him respect, while Taranta’s wife, śaśīyasī, presented śyāvāśva with much wealth. The son was then fortunate enough to meet the Maruts in the forest, and praised them, thus becoming a seer. As a result the king himself ultimately offered his daughter to śyāvāśva. Sieg seeks to show that this legend is presupposed in the Rigveda; but it is difficult to accept this view, since the references in the Rigveda are very obscure, and śaśīyasī is probably no more than an epithet. That there is some Itihāsa at the back of the hymn is clear: what it is can hardly now be determined. śyāvāśva's obtaining gifts from Vaidadaśvi is referred to also in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra. His name occurs in the Atharvaveda in two lists of persons, of which the former includes Purumīdha, the latter also Arcanānas and Atri. A Sāman is ascribed to him in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, and he is perhaps referred to in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka. In the śānkhāyana śrauta Sūtra and the Pañcaviφśa Brāhmana he is styled Arcanānasa, ‘ son of Arcanānas,’ and later he is called Atreya, ‘descendant of Atri.’
śvetaketu áruṇeya (‘Descendant of Aruṇa’) or Auddālaki (‘son of Uddālaka’) is mentioned repeatedly in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. In the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad he appears as śvetaketu, son of Áruṇi, and as a Gautama. In the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa he is quoted as an authority on the vexed question of the duty of the Sadasya, or the seventeenth priest, at the ritual of the Kauṣītakins, to notify errors in the sacrifice; Áruṇi, his father, is also cited. He was a person of some originality, for he insisted on eating honey despite the general prohibition of the use of that delicacy by Brahmacārins or religious students. He was a contemporary of, and was instructed by the Pañcāla king Pravāhaṇa Jaivala. He was also a contemporary of Janaka, of Videha, and figured among the Brahmin disputants at his court. A story is told of him in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra:[6] Jala Jātūkarṇyā was lucky enough to become the Purohita of three peoples or kings, of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha. Seeing this, śvetaketu felt annoyed and reproached his father with his excessive devotion to sacrifice, which merely enriched and glorified others, not himself. His father replied, forbidding him to speak thus: he had learned the true method of sacrificing, and his ambition in life had been to discuss it with every Brahmin. All the references to śvetaketu belong to the latest period of Vedic literature. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Ápa- stamba Dharma Sūtra should refer to him as an Avara, or person of later days, who still became a Rṣi by special merit. His date, however, must not be fixed too low, because the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa in which he plays so marked a part is certainly earlier than Pāṇini, and was apparently even in that grammarian’s time believed to be an ancient work; hence 500 B.c. is probably rather too late than too early a period for śvetaketu as a rough approximation to a date.
samvargajit lāmakāyana Is the name of a teacher, a pupil of śākadāsa in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa.
sudās Is the name of the Tṛtsu king who won a famous victory over the ten kings, as described in a hymn of the Rigveda. At one time Viśvāmitra was his Purohita, and accompanied him in his victorious raids over the Vipāś (Beās) and śutudrī (Sutlej). The Aśvins gave him a queen, Sudevī, and also helped him on another occasion. He appears with Trasadasyu in a late hymn without hint of rivalry, but elsewhere he seems to be referred to as defeated by Pupukutsa, Trasadasyu’s father. In the Aitareya Brāhmana he is recognized as a great king, with Vasiṣha as his Puro­hita, and similarly in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra, where his generosity to his priest is related. His exact ancestry is a little uncertain, because he is called Paijavana, ‘son of Pijavana,’ as Yāska explains the patro¬nymic. If this explanation is correct, Divodāsa must have been his grandfather. If he was the son of Divodāsa, Pijavana must be understood as a more remote ancestor. The former alternative seems the more probable. Cf. Turvaśa, Dāśarājña. Paijavana, Bharata, Saudāsa.
hiraṇin ‘Rich in gold,’ is apparently an epithet of Trasa- dasyu in one verse of the Rigveda, referring to the golden raiment or possessions of the king. Ludwig, however, thinks the word is a proper name, possibly of Trasadasyu’s son.
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adastam asi (Mś. abhi, read asi) viṣṇave tvā (KS. omits tvā) MS.4.1.3: 5.12; KS.3.1; 31.2; TB.3.2.3.12; 7.4.17a; Apś.1.14.3a; Mś.1.1.3.35.
anupadasyam annādyam āpnavāni # śś.4.8.6.
ūrṇamradasaṃ (TSṭB.Apś. ūrṇā-) tvā stṛṇāmi (KS. ūrṇamradaḥ prathasva; Kauś. ūrṇamradaṃ prathasva) svāsasthaṃ (VS.śB. -sthāṃ) devebhyaḥ # VS.2.2,5; TS.1.1.11.1; KS.1.11; śB.1.3.3.11; 4.11; TB.3.3.6.7; Kauś.2.17. Ps: ūrṇāmradasaṃ tvā stṛṇāmi Apś.2.9.2; ūrṇamradasam Kś.2.7.22; 8.10. See uru prathasvorṇamradaṃ, and cf. asmin yajñe vi.
ūrṇāmradasaṃ etc. # see ūrṇamradasaṃ etc.
evāvadasya yajatasya sadhreḥ # RV.5.44.10b.
trasadasyur vadhūnām # RV.8.19.36b.
trasadasyor hiraṇino rarāṇāḥ # RV.5.33.8b.
nadasya karṇais turayanta āśubhiḥ # RV.2.34.3b.
nadasya nāde pari pātu me (AVś. no) manaḥ # RV.10.11.2b; AVś.18.1.19b.
nadasya mā rudhataḥ kāma āgan # RV.1.179.4a; N.5.2. Cf. BṛhD.1.53.
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"adas" has 64 results.
     
īṣadasamāptistage of the quality of a thing or of an undertaking which is almost complete,to show which,the tad-affixes कल्प, देश्य and देशीय are applied to a word:exempli gratia, for example पटुकल्पः,पटुदेश्यः; पटुदेशीयः, पचतिकल्पम्, जल्पतिकल्पम्, confer, compare P, V.3.67.
upapadasamāsathe compound of a word, technically termed as उपपद by Pāṇini according to his definition of the word in III.1.92., with another word which is a verbal derivative; confer, compare कुम्भकारः, नगरकारः Here technically the compound of the words कुम्भ, नगर et cetera, and others which are upapadas is formed with कार,before a case-termination is added to the nominal base कार; confer, compare गतिकारकोपपदानां कृद्भिः सह समासवचनं प्राक् सुबुत्पत्तेः Paribhāṣenduśekhara of Nāgeśa. Pari. 75.
padasaṃskārapakṣaan alternative view with वाक्यसंस्कारपक्ष regarding the formation of words by the application of affixes to crude bases. According to the Padasamskāra alternative, every word is formed independently, and after formation the words are syntactically connected and used in a sentence. The sense of the sentence too, is understood after the sense of every word has been understood; confer, compare सुविचार्य पदस्यार्थं वाक्यं गृह्णन्ति सूरयः Sira. on Pari. 22. According to the other alternative viz. वाक्यसंस्कारपक्ष, a whole sentence is brought before the mind and then the constituent individual words are formed exempli gratia, for example राम +सु, गम् + अ + ति । Both the views have got some advantages and some defects; confer, compare Par. Sek. Pari. 56.
padasphoṭaexpression of the sense by the whole word without any consideration shown to its division into a base and an affix. For instance, the word रामेण means 'by Rama' irrespective of any consideration whether न is the affix or इन is the affix which could be any of the two, or even one, different from the two; confer, compare उपायाः शिक्षमाणानां वालानामपलापनाः Vākyapadīya II.240.
pārṣadasūtravṛtiname given to the works of the type of commentaries written by उव्व​ट on the old Prātiśākhya books.
aniṅgyanot separable into two padas or words by means of avagraha; confer, compare संध्य ऊष्माप्यनिङ्ग्ये: Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) V.41; confer, compare also Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) IX.25, XIII.30. See इङ्ग्य below.
antaraṅgaa highly technical term in Pāṇini's grammar applied in a variety of ways to rules which thereby can supersede other rules. The term is not used by Pāṇini himselfeminine. The Vārtikakāra has used the term thrice ( Sec I. 4. 2 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 8, VI.1.106 Vart.10 and VIII.2.6 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). I) evidently in the sense of immediate', 'urgent', 'of earlier occurrence' or the like. The word is usually explained as a Bahuvrīhi compound meaning 'अन्त: अङ्गानि निमित्तानि यस्य' (a rule or operation which has got the causes of its application within those of another rule or operation which consequently is termed बहिरङ्ग). अन्तरङ्ग, in short, is a rule whose causes of operation occur earlier in the wording of the form, or in the process of formation. As an अन्तरङ्ग rule occurs to the mind earlier, as seen a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page., it is looked upon as stronger than any other rule, barring of course अपवाद rules or exceptions, if the other rule presents itself simultaneously. The Vārtikakāra, hence, in giving preference to अन्तरङ्ग rules, uses generally the wording अन्तरङ्गबलीयस्त्वात् which is paraphrased by अन्तरङ्गं बहिरङ्गाद् बलीयः which is looked upon as a paribhāṣā. Grammarians, succeeding the Vārtikakāra, not only looked upon the बहिरङ्ग operation as weaker than अन्तरङ्ग, but they looked upon it as invalid or invisible before the अन्तरङ्ग operation had taken placcusative case. They laid down the Paribhāṣā असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे which has been thoroughly discussed by Nāgeśa in his Paribhāṣendusekhara. The अन्तरङ्गत्व is taken in a variety of ways by Grammarians : (l) having causes of application within or before those of another e. g. स्येनः from the root सिव् (सि + उ+ न) where the यण् substitute for इ is अन्तरङ्ग being caused by उ as compared to guṇa for उ which is caused by न, (2) having causes of application occurring before those of another in the wording of the form, (3) having a smaller number of causes, (4) occurring earlier in the order of several operations which take place in arriving at the complete form of a word, (5) not having संज्ञा (technical term) as a cause of its application, ( 6 ) not depending upon two words or padas, (7) depending upon a cause or causes of a general nature (सामान्यापेक्ष) as opposed to one which depends on causes of a specific nature ( विशेषापेक्ष).
avagraha(1)separation of a compound word into its component elements as shown in the Pada-Pāṭha of the Vedic Saṁhitās. In the Padapāṭha, individual words are shown separately if they are combined by Saṁdhi rules or by the formation of a compound in the Saṁhitāpāṭha; exempli gratia, for example पुरोहितम् in the Saṁhitāpāṭha is read as पुरःsहितम्. In writing, there is observed the practice of placing the sign (ऽ) between the two parts, about which nothing can be said as to when and how it originatedition The AtharvaPrātiśākhya defines अवग्रह as the separation of two padas joined in Saṁhitā. (Atharvaveda Prātiśākhya. II.3.25; II.4.5). In the recital of the pada-pāṭha, when the word-elements are uttered separately, there is a momentary pause measuring one matra or the time required for the utterance of a short vowel. (See for details Vāj. Prāt. Adhāya 5). (2) The word अवग्रह is also used in the sense of the first out of the two words or members that are compounded together. See Kāśikā on P.VIII.4.26; confer, compare also तस्य ( इङ्ग्यस्य ) पूर्वपदमवग्रहः यथा देवायत इति देव-यत. Tai. Pr. I. 49. The term अवग्रह is explained in the Mahābhāṣya as 'separation, or splitting up of a compound word into its constitutent parts; confer, compare छन्दस्यानङोवग्रहो दृश्येत पितामह इति ।(Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on IV.2.36); also confer, compare यद्येवमवग्रहः प्राप्नोति । न लक्षणेन पदकारा अनुवर्त्याः। पदकारैर्नाम लक्षणमनुवर्त्यम् । यथालक्षणं पदं कर्तव्यम् (Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on III.1.109) where the Bhāṣyakāra has definitely stated that the writers of the Padapāṭha have to split up a word according to the rules of Grammar. (3) In recent times, however, the word अवग्रह is used in the sense of the sign (ऽ) showing the coalescence of अ (short or long) with the preceding अ (short or long ) or with the preceding ए or ओ exempli gratia, for example शिवोऽ र्च्यः, अत्राऽऽगच्छ. (4) The word is also used in the sense of a pause, or an interval of time when the constituent elements of a compound word are shown separately; confer, compare समासेवग्रहो ह्रस्वसमकालः (Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya.V.1). (5) The word is also used in the sense of the absence of Sandhi when the Sandhi is admissible.
it(1)a letter or a group of letters attached to a word which is not seen in actual use in the spoken language: cf अप्रयोगी इत्, Śāk. I.1.5, Hemacandra's Śabdānuśāsana.1.1.37. The इत् letters are applied to a word before it, or after it, and they have got each of them a purpose in grammar viz. causing or preventing certain grammatical operations in the formation of the complete word. Pāṇini has not given any definition of the word इत् , but he has mentioned when and where the vowels and consonants attached to words are to be understood as इत्; (confer, compare उपदेशेजनुनासिक इत् , हलन्त्यम् । et cetera, and others P. I.3.2 to 8) and stated that these letters are to be dropped in actual use, confer, compareP.I.3.9. It appears that grammarians before Pāṇini had also employed such इत् letters, as is clear from some passages in the Mahābhāṣya as also from their use in other systems of grammar as also in the Uṇādi list of affixes, for purposes similar to those found served in Pāṇini 's grammar. Almost all vowels and consonants are used as इत् for different purposes and the इत् letters are applied to roots in the Dhātupāṭha, nouns in the Gaṇapāṭha, as also to affixes, augments and substitutes prescribed in grammar. Only at a few places they are attached to give facility of pronunciation. Sometimes the इत् letters, especially vowels, which are said to be इत्, when uttered as nasalized by Pāṇini, are recognised only by convention; confer, compare प्रतिज्ञानुनासिक्याः पाणिनीयाः(S.K.on P.I.3.2).The word इत्, which literally means going away or disappearing, can be explained as a mute indicatory letter. In Pāṇini's grammar, the mute vowel अ applied to roots indicates the placing of the Ātmanepada affixes after them, if it be uttered as anudātta and of affixes of both the padas if uttered svarita; confer, compare P.I.3. 12, 72. The mute vowel आ signifies the prevention of इडागम before the past part, affixes; confer, compare P. VII. 2. 16. Similarly, the mute vowel इ signfies the augment न् after the last vowel of the root; confer, compareP.VII.1.58; ई signifies the prevention of the augment इ before the past participle.affixes cfP.VII.2.14;उ signifies the inclusion of cognate letters; confer, compareP.I.1.69, and the optional addition of the augment इ before त्वा; confer, compare P.VII.2. 56; ऊ signifies the optional application of the augment इट्;confer, compareP.VII. 2.44; क signifies the prevention of ह्रस्व to the vowel of a root before the causal affix, confer, compareVII.4.2: लृ signifies the vikarana अङ् in the Aorist cf P.III.1.55; ए signifies the prevention of vrddhi in the Aorist,confer, compare P.VII.2.55; ओ signifies the substitution of न् for त् of the past participle. confer, compare P VIII.2.45; क् signifies the Prevention of गुण and वृद्धि, confer, compareP, I. 1.5; ख् signifies the addition of the augment मुम्(म्)and the shortening of the preceding vowel: confer, compareP.VI.3 65-66: ग् signifies the prevention of गुण and वृद्धि, confer, compare P.I.1.5 घ् signifies कुत्व, confer, compare P.VII.3.62; ङ्, applied to affixes, signifies the prevention of गुण and वृद्धि, confer, compare P.I.1.5; it causes संप्रसारणादेश in the case of certain roots, confer, compare P. VI.1.16 and signifies आत्मनेपद if applied to roots; confer, compare P.I. 3.12, and their substitution for the last letter if applied to substitutes. confer, compare P I.1.53. च् signifies the acute accent of the last vowel;confer, compareP.VI.1. 159; ञ् signifies उभयपद i.e the placing of the affixes of both the podas after the root to which it has been affixed;confer, compareP.I.3.72, ट् in the case of an augment signifies its application to the word at the beginning: confer, compareP I.1.64, while applied to a nominal base or an affix shows the addition of the feminine. affix ई (ङीप्) confer, compareP.IV.1. 15;ड् signifies the elision of the last syllable; confer, compare P.VI.4.142: ण् signifies वृद्धि, confer, compareP.VII.2.115;त् signifies स्वरित accent, confer, compare VI.1.181, as also that variety of the vowel ( ह्रस्व, दीर्ध or प्लुत) to which it has been applied confer, compare P.I.1.70; न् signifies आद्युदात्त, confer, compare P.VI.1.193:प् signifies अनुदात्त accent confer, compare अनुदात्तौ सुप्पितौ P. III.1.4. as also उदात्त for the vowel before the affix marked with प् confer, compare P.VI.1.192: म् signifies in the case of an augment its addition after the final vowel.confer, compareP.I.1.47,while in the case of a root, the shortening of its vowel before the causal affix णि,confer, compare P.VI.4.92: र् signifies the acute accent for the penultimate vowel confer, compare P.VI.1.217,ल् signifies the acute accent for the vowel preceding the affix marked with ल्; confer, compareP.VI. 193; श् implies in the case of an affix its सार्वधातुकत्व confer, compare P. II1.4.113, while in the case of substitutes, their substitution for the whole स्थानिन् cf P.I.1.55; प् signifies the addition of the feminine. affix ई ( ङीप् ) confer, compareP.IV-1.41 ;स् in the case of affixes signifies पदसंज्ञा to the base before them, cf P.I.4.16. Sometimes even without the actual addition of the mute letter, affixes are directed to be looked upon as possessed of that mute letter for the sake of a grammatical operation exempli gratia, for example सार्वधातुकमपित् P.I.2.4; असंयेागाल्लिट कित् P.I.2.5: गोतो णित् P.VII.1.90 et cetera, and others (2) thc short vowel इ as a substitute: confer, compare शास इदङ्हलोः P.VI.4.34.
udayakīrtiauthor of a treatise giving rules for the determination of the pada or padas of roots; the treatise is named पदव्यवस्थासूत्रकारिकाटीका He was a Jain grammarian, and one of the pupils of Sādhusundara.
ubhayatobhāṣaliterally speaking or showing both the padas or voices; possessed of both the padas viz. the Parasmaipada and the Ātmanepada. The word is found commonly used in the Dhātupaṭha of Pāṇini.
ubhayapadina root conjugated in both the Padas; a root to which both, the Parasmaipada and the Ātmanepada terminations are affixed; exempli gratia, for example roots वृ, भी, मुच् et cetera, and others
uṣṇih(उष्णिक्)name of the second of the main seven Vedic metres which are known by the name प्रजापतिच्छन्दस्. The Uṣṇik metre consists of 28 syllables divided into three padas of 8, 8 and 12 sylla bles. It has got many varieties such as पुरउष्णिह्, ककुभ् and others; for details see Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) XVI 20-26.
ūrdhvabṛhatī( विराज् )a variety of the metre Bṛhatī which has three padas of twelve syllables each; confer, compare त्रयो द्वादशका यस्याः सा होर्ध्ववृहती विराट् Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) XVI.33.
aikapadikagiven in the group of ekapadas or solitarily stated words as contrasted with anekapadas or synonymanuscript. See एकपद a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page..
kartrabhiprāyameant for the agent of the action. The word is used in connection with the fruit or result of an action; when the result is for the agent, roots having both the Padas get the Ātmanepada terminations; confer, compare स्वरितञ्जितः कर्त्रभिप्राये क्रियाफले P.I.3.72.
kyaṣaffix य added to certain nouns like लोहित and others to form denominative roots after which terminations of both the padas are placed exempli gratia, for example लोहितायति, लोहितायते; confer, compare Kāś. on P. III. 1.13.
gūḍhārthadīpinīa commentary ( वृत्ति ) on the sutras of Panini by Sadasiva Misra who lived in the seventeenth century.
jainendravyākaraṇaname of a grammar work written by Pujyapada Devanandin, also called Siddhanandin, in the fifth century A.D. The grammar is based on the Astadhyay of Panini,the section on Vedic accent and the rules of Panini explaining Vedic forms being,of course, neglectedition The grammar is called Jainendra Vyakarana or Jainendra Sabdanusasana. The work is available in two versions, one consisting of 3000 sutras and the other of 3700 sutras. it has got many commentaries, of which the Mahavrtti written by Abhayanandin is the principal one. For details see Jainendra Vyakarana, introduction published by the Bharatiya Jnanapitha Varadasi.
ñ(1)the nasal (fifth consonant) of the palatal class of consonants possessed of the properties नादानुप्रदान, घोष, कण्टसंवृतत्व, अल्पप्राण and अानुनासिक्य; (2) mute letter, characterized by which an affix signifies वृद्धि for the preceding vowel; ञ् of a taddhita affix, however, signifies वृद्धि for the first vowel of the word to which the affix is added; (3) a mute letter added to a root at the end to signify that the root takes verb-endings of both the padas.
tripadamade up of a collection of three padas or words; the word is used in connection with a Rk or a portion of the kramapatha: confer, compare यथॊक्तं पुनरुक्तं त्रिपदप्रभृति T.Pr.I.61. The word is found used in connection with a bahuvrihi compound made up of three words; confer, compare the term त्रिपदबहुव्रीहि.
tripādīterm usually used in connection with the last three Padas (ch. VIII. 2, VIII. 3 and VIII. 4) of Panini’s Ashtadhyayi, the rules in which are not valid by convention to rules in the first seven chapters and a quarter, as also a later rule in which (the Tripadi) is not valid to an earlier one; confer, compare पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् P. VIII.2.1; (2) name of a critical treatise on Panini's grammar ("The Tripadi") written by Dr. H. E. Buiskool recently.
ghātudīpikā(1)name of a commentary on the Kavikalpadruma of Bopadeva by Ramalamkara; (2) name of a commentary on the Kavikalpadruma by Durgadasa who wrote a commentary on the Mugdhabodha also.
nityasamāsaan invariably effective compound; the term is explained as अस्वपदविग्रहो नित्यसमासः i. e. a compound whose dissolution cannot be shown by its component words as such; e. g. the dissolution of कुम्भकारः cannot be shown as कुम्भं कारः, but it must be shown as कुम्भं करोति स: । The upapadasamasa, the gatisamsa and the dative tatpurusa with the word अर्थ are examples of नित्यसमास.
padaa word; a unit forming a part of a sentence; a unit made up of a letter or of letters, possessed of sense; confer, compare अक्षरसमुदायः पदम् । अक्षरं वा । V.Pr. VIII. 46, 47. The word originally was applied to the individual words which constituted the Vedic Samhitā; confer, compare पदप्रकृतिः संहिता Nir.I.17. Accordingly, it is defined in the Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya as ' अर्थः पदम् ' (Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya.III. 2) as contrasted with ' वर्णानामेकप्राणयोगः संहिता ' (V.Pr.I.158). The definition ' अर्थः पदम् ' is attributed to the ancient grammarian 'Indra', who is believed to have been the first Grammarian of India. Pāņini has defined the term पद as ' सुप्तिङन्तं पदम् ' P.I.4.14. His definition is applicable to complete noun-forms and verb-forms and also to prefixes and indeclinables where a case-affix is placed and elided according to him; confer, compare अव्ययादाप्सुपः P. II. 4. 82. The noun-bases before case affixes and taddhita affix. affixes, mentioned in rules upto the end of the fifth adhyāya, which begin with a consonant excepting य् are also termed पद by Pāņini to include parts of words before the case affixes भ्याम् , भिस्, सु et cetera, and others as also before the taddhita affix. affixes मत्, वत् et cetera, and others which are given as separate padas many times in the pada-pātha of the Vedas; confer, compare स्वादिष्वसर्वनामस्थाने P. I. 4. 17. See for details the word पदपाठ. There are given four kinds of padas or words viz. नाम, अाख्यात, उपसर्ग and निपात in the Nirukta and Prātiśākhya works; confer, compare also पदमर्थे प्रयुज्यते, विभक्त्यन्तं च पदम् Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P. I. 2. 64 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 19, वर्णसमुदायः पदम् M.Bh. on I.1.21 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 5, पूर्वपरयोरर्थोपलब्धौ पदम् Kātantra vyākaraṇa Sūtra.I.1.20, पदशब्देनार्थ उच्यते Kaiyata on P.I.2.42 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 2; confer, compare also पद्यते गम्यते अर्थः अनेनेति पदमित्यन्वर्थसंज्ञा Kāśikāvivaraṇapañjikā, a commentary on the Kāśikāvṛtti by Jinendrabuddhi, called Nyāsa. on P.III. 1.92. The verb endings or affixs ति, तस् and others are also called पद. The word पद in this sense is never used alone, but with the word परस्मै or अात्मने preceding it. The term परस्मैपद stands for the nine affixes तिप्, तस्, ...मस्,while the term आत्मनेपद stands for the nine affixes त, आताम् ... महिङ्. confer, compare ल: परमैपदम्, तङानावात्मनेपदम्. It is possible to say that in the terms परस्मैपद and अात्मनेपद also, the term पद could be taken to mean a word, and it is very likely that the words परस्मैपद and अात्मनेपद were originally used in the sense of 'words referring to something meant for another' and 'referring to something meant for self' respectively. Such words, of course, referred to verbal forms, roughly corresponding to the verbs in the active voice and verbs in the passive voice. There are some modern scholars of grammar, especially linguists, who like to translate परस्मैपद as 'active voice' and आत्मनेपद as ' passive voice'. Pāņini appears, however, to have adapted the sense of the terms परस्मैपद and आत्मनेपद and taken them to mean mere affixes just as he has done in the case of the terms कृत् and तद्धित. Presumably in ancient times, words current in use were grouped into four classes by the authors of the Nirukta works, viz. (a) कृत् (words derived from roots)such as कर्ता, कारकः, भवनम् et cetera, and others, (b) तद्धित (words derived from nouns ) such as गार्ग्यः , काषायम् , et cetera, and others, (c) Parasmaipada words viz. verbs such as भवति, पचति, and (d) Ātmanepada words id est, that is verbs like एधते, वर्धते, et cetera, and othersVerbs करोति and कुरुते or हरति and हरते were looked upon as both परस्मैपद words and आत्मनेपद words. The question of simple words, as they are called by the followers of Pāņini, such as नर, तद् , गो, अश्व, and a number of similar underived words, did not occur to the authors of the Nirukta as they believed that every noun was derivable, and hence could be included in the kŗt words.
padakāṇḍa(1)a term used in connection with the first section of the Vākyapadīya named ब्रह्मकाण्ड also, which deals with padas, as contrasted with the second section which deals with Vākyas; (2) a section of the Așțadhyāyī of Pāņini, which gives rules about changes and modifications applicable to the pada, or the formed word, as contrasted with the base (अङ्ग) and the suffixes. The section is called पदाधिकार which begins with the rule पदस्य P.VIII.1.16. and ends with the rule इडाया वा VIII. 3. 54.
padavidhian operation prescribed in connection with words ending with case or verbal affixes and not in connection with noun-bases or root-bases or with single letters or syllables. पदविधि is in this way contrasted with अङ्गविधि ( including प्रातिपदिकविधि and धातुविधि ), वर्णविधि and अक्षरविधि, Such Padavidhis are given in Pāņini's grammar in Adhyāya2, Pādas l and 2 as also in VI.1.158, and in VIII. 1.16 to VIII.3.54 and include rules in connection with compounds, accents and euphonic combinations. When, however, an operation is prescribed for two or more padas, it is necessary that the two padas or words must be syntactically connectible; confer, compare समर्थः पदविधिः P. II.1.1.
padavyavasthāsūtrakārikāa metrical work on the determination of the pada or padas of the roots attributed to Vimalakīrti.
padādhikārathe topic concerning padas id est, that is words which are regularly formed, as contrasted with words in formation. Several grammatical operations, such as accents or euphonic combinations, are specifically prescribed together by Pāņini at places which are said to be in the Padādhikāra formed by sūtras VIII.1.16 to VIII.3.54.
pūrvatrāsiddhavacanathe dictum of Panini about rules in his second, third and fourth quarters (Padas) of the eighth Adhyaya being invalid to (viz. not seen by) all the previous rules in the first seven chapters and the first quarter of the eighth as laid down by him in the rule पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् VIII.2.1. The rule पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् is taken also as a governing rule id est, that is अधिकार laying down that in the last three quarters also of his grammar, a subsequent rule is invalid to the preceding rule. The purpose of this dictum is to prohibit the application of the rules in the last three quarters as also that of a subsequent rule in the last three quarters, before all such preceding rules, as are applicable in the formation of a word, have been given effect to; confer, compare एवमिहापि पर्वेत्रासिद्धवचनं अादेशलक्षणप्रतिषेधार्थमुत्सर्गलक्षणभावार्थं च M.Bh. on P. VIII.2.1 Vart. 8.
buiskūla[ BUISKOOL H. E. )A European grammarian who has written an essay on the last three Padas of Panini's Astadhyayi (त्रिपादी) under the title 'The Tripadi'.
bṛhatīa Vedic metre consisting of four padas and 36 syllables. There are three padas of eight syllables and the fourth has twelve syllables. It has got further subdivisions known as पुरस्ताद्बृहती, उपरिष्टाद्बृहती, न्यङ्कुसारिणी or उरोबृहती, ऊर्ध्वबृहती विष्टारबृहती, पिपीलिकमध्यमा and विषमपदा. For details see R.Pr. XVI. 31-37.
miśraroots taking personal endings of both the Padas; Ubhayapadin roots: this term मिश्र is given in Bopadeva's grammar.
mugdhabodhaṭīkāa commentary work on Mugdhabodha;the name is given to commentaries written by Ramatarkavagisa(called मुग्धबोधपरिशिष्ट }, by Radhavallabha (called सुबोधिनी), . by Gangadhara (called सेतुसंग्रह ), by Durgadasa, by Dayarama and by Ramananda.
lohitādi(1)a class of words headed by लोहित to which the affix क्यव् ( य ) is added in the sense of 'becoming', to form a denominative root-base which gets the verb-endings of both the padas; e. g. लोहितायति, लोहितायते; निद्रायति, निद्रायते; the class लोहितादि is considered as अाकृतिगण so that similar denominative verb-bases could be explained; confer, compare Kāśikā of Jayāditya and Vāmana. on P.III.1. 13; (2) a class of words headed by लेहित, to which the feminine. affix ष्फ ( अायनी ) is added after they have got the taddhita affix यञ् added to them in the sense of 'a grandchild'; e. g. लौहित्यायनी, कात्यायनी et cetera, and others; cf Kāśikā of Jayāditya and Vāmana. on P. IV. 1.18.
vigrahalit, separation of the two parts of a thing; the term is generally applied to the separation of the constituent words of a compound word: it is described to be of two kinds : ( a ) शास्त्रीयविग्रहृ or technical separation; e. g. राजपुरुष्: into राजन् ङस् पुरुष सु and ( 2 ) लौकिकविग्रहं or common or popular separation ; e. g. राजपुरूष: into राज्ञ: पुरुष:. It is also divided into two kinds according to the nature of the constituent words (a) स्वपदाविग्रह separation by means of the constituent words, exempli gratia, for example राजहितम् into राज्ञे हृितम्;(b) अस्वपदविग्रह, e. g. राजार्थम् into राज्ञे इदम् ;or exempli gratia, for example सुमुखीं into शोभनं मुखं अस्याः confer, compare M.Bh. on P.V.4.7. The compounds whose separation into constituent words cannot be shown by those words (viz. the constituent words) are popularly termed nityasamsa. The term नित्यसमास is explained as नित्यः समासो नित्यसमासः | यस्य विग्रहो नास्ति । M.Bh. on P.II.2.19 Vart. 4. The upapadasamsa is described as नित्यसमास. Sometimes especially in some Dvandva compounds each of the two separated words is capable of giving individually the senses of both the words exempli gratia, for example the words द्यावा and क्षामा of the compound द्यावाक्षामा. The word विग्रह is found used in the Pratisakhya works in the sense of the separate use of a word as contrasted with the use in a compound; cf अच्छेति विग्रहे प्लुतं भवति R.Pr.VII.1. विग्रहृ is defined as वृत्यर्थावबोधकं वाक्यं विग्रहः in the Siddhantakaumudi.
vibhāṣita(1)stated or enjoined optionally; cf मेध्यः पशुर्विभाषितः । आलब्धव्यो नालब्धव्य इति Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P. I.1.44 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 15; cf also मन्ये धातुर्विभाषितः । Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P.III.1.27 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini).4: (2) roots taking personal affixes of both the Padas.
vimalakīrtia Jain grammarian of the sixteenth century who wrote a short metrical work on the padas of roots, known by the name पदव्यवस्थासूत्रकारिका.
vṛtti(1)treatment, practice of pronunciation; (2) conversion of one phonetic element into another; confer, compare R.Pr.I.95;(3) position of the padas or words as they stand in the Saṁhhitā text, the word is often seen used in this way in the compound word पदवृत्ति; आन्पदा: पदवृत्तयः R.Pr. IV.17: (4) modes of recital of the Vedic text which are described to be three द्रुत, मध्य and विलम्बित based upon the time of the interval and the pronunciation which differs in each one; confer, compare Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P. I.4. 109, Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 4; also I.l.69 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini).ll ; ( 5 ) nature confer, compare गुर्वक्षराणां गुरुवृत्ति सर्वम् R.Pr.XVIII.33; (6) interpretation of a word; (7) verbal or nominal form of a root; confer, compare अर्थनित्यः परीक्षेत केनचिद् वृत्तिसामान्येन Nirukta of Yāska.II.1; (8)mode or treatment followed by a scientific treatise; cf का पुनर्वृत्तिः । वृत्तिः शास्त्रप्रवृत्तिः | M.Bh. in Āhnika l on वृत्तिसमवायार्थ उपदेश: Vārttika 10; (9) manner of interpretation with the literal sense of the constituents present or absent, described usually as two-fold जहत्स्वार्था and अजहत्स्वार्था, | but with a third kind added by some grammarians viz. the जहदजहत्स्वार्था; (10) a compound word giving an aggregate sense different from the exact literal sense of the constituent words; there are mentioned five vṛittis of this kind; confer, compare परार्थाभिधानं वृत्तिः । कृत्तद्धितसमासैकदेशधातुरूपाः पञ्च वृत्तयः | वृत्त्यर्थावबोधकं वाक्यं विग्रहः S. K. at the end of the Ekaśeṣaprakaraṇa; ( 11 ) interpretation of a collection of statements; the word was originally applied to glosses or comments on the ancient works like the Sūtra works, in which the interpretation of the text was given with examples and counterexamples where necessary: confer, compare वृत्तौ भाष्ये तथा नामधातुपारायणादिषु; introductory stanza in the Kāśikā.Later on, when many commentary works were written,the word वृत्ति was diferentiated from भाष्य, वार्तिक, टीका,चूर्णि, निर्युक्ति, टिप्पणी, पञ्जिका and others, and made applicable to commentary works concerned with the explanation of the rules with examples and counter-examples and such statements or arguments as were necessary for the explanation of the rules or the examples and counter examples. In the Vyākaraṇa-Śāstra the word occurs almost exclusively used for the learned Vṛtti on Pāṇini-sūtras by Vāmana and Jayāditya which was given the name Kāśikā Vṛtti; confer, compare तथा च वृत्तिकृत् often occurring in works on Pāṇini's grammar.
vyākaraṇamahābhāṣyagūḍhārthadīpinīa brief commentary on the Mahabhasya, written by Sadasiva, son of Nilakantha and pupil of Kamalakara Diksita. The gloss confines itself to the explanations of obscure and difficult passages in the Mahabhasya and criticizes Kaiyata's explanations.
saṃhitāposition of words or parts of words in the formation ofa word quite near each other which results into the natural phonetic coalescence of the preceding and the following letters. Originally when the Vedic hymns or the running prose passages of the Yajurveda were split up into their different constituent parts namely the words or padas by the Padakaras, the word संहिता or संहितापाठ came into use as contrasted with the पदपाठ. The writers of of the Pratisakhyas have conseguently defined संहिता as पदप्रकृतिः संहिता, while Panini who further split up the padas into bases ( प्रकृति ) and affixes ( प्रत्यय ) and mentioned several augments and substitutes, the phonetic combinations, which resulted inside the word or pada, had to be explained by reason of the close vicinity of the several phonetic units forming the base, the affix, the augment, the substitute and the like, and he had to define the word संहृिता rather differently which he did in the words परः संनिकर्षः संहिता; cf P.I.4.109: confer, compare also संहितैकपदे नित्या नित्या धातूपसर्गयोः । नित्य समासे वाक्ये तु सा विवक्षामपेक्षते Sabdakaustubha on Maheshvara Sutra 5.1.
saṃhitāpāṭhathe running text or the original text of the four Vedas as originally composedition This text, which was the original one, was split up into its constituent padas or separate words by ancient sages शौनक, अात्रेय and others,with a view to facilitating the understanding of it, and consequently to preserving it in the oral tradition.The original was called मूलप्रकृति of which the पदपाठ and the क्रमपाठ which were comparatively older than the other artificial recitations such as the जटापाठ, घनपाठ and others, are found mentioned in the Pratisakhya works.
sapādasaptādhyāyīa term used in connection with Panini's first seven books and a quarter of the eighth, as contrasted with the term Tripadi, which is used for the last three quarters of the eighth book. The rules or operations given in the Tripadi, are stated to be asiddha or invalid for purposes of the application of the rules in the previous portion, viz. the Sapadasaptadhyayi, and hence in the formation of' words all the rules given in the first seven chapters and a quarter, are applied first and then a way is prepared for the rules of the last three quarters. It is a striking thing that the rules in the Tripadi mostly concern the padas or formed words, the province, in fact, of the Pratisakhya treatises, and hence they should, as a matter of fact, be applicable to words after their formation and evidently to accomplish this object, Panini has laid down the convention of the invalidity in question by the rule पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् P. VIII. 2,1.
subantaname given to a word formed with the addition of a case-affix and hence capable of being used in a sentence by virtue of its being called a पद by the rule सुप्तिङन्तं पदम् The ancient grammarians gave four kinds of words or padas viz. नाम, अाख्यात, उपसर्ग and निपात which Panini has brought under two heads सुबन्त including नाम, उपसर्ग and निपात and तिङन्त standing for आख्यातः confer, compare सुप्तिङन्तं पदम् P. I. 4. 14.
sthitiutterance of a pada or padas in the Padapatha without इति; the utterance with इति being called उपस्थिति; confer, compare पदं यदा केवलमाह सा स्थितिः Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) XI.15; (2) established practice or view: confer, compare शाकल्यस्य स्थविरस्येतरा स्थितिः। Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) II. 44.
svara(l)vowel, as contrasted with a consonant which never stands by itself independently. The word स्वर is defined generally :as स्वयं राजन्ते ते स्वराः ( Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on pan. The word स्वर is always used in the sense of a vowel in the Pratisakhya works; Panini however has got the word अच् (short term or Pratyahara formed of अ in 'अइउण्' and च् at the end of एऔच् Mahesvara sutra 4 ) always used for vowels, the term स्वर being relegated by him to denote accents which are also termed स्वर in the ancient Pratisakhyas and grammars. The number of vowels, although shown differently in diferent ancient works, is the same, viz. five simple vowels अ,इ,उ, ऋ, लृ, and four diphthongs ए, ऐ, ओ, and अौ. These nine, by the addition of the long varieties of the first four such as आ, ई, ऊ, and ऋ, are increased to thirteen and further to twentytwo by adding the pluta forms, there being no long variety for लृ and short on for the diphthongs. All these twentytwo varieties have further subdivisions, made on the criterion of each of them being further characterized by the properties उदात्त, अनुदIत्त and स्वरित and निरनुनासिक and सानुनासिक. (2) The word स्वर also means accent, a property possessed exclusively by vowels and not by consonants, as they are entirely dependent on vowels and can at the most be said to possess the same accent as the vowel with which they are uttered together. The accents are mentioned to be three; the acute ( उदात्त ), the grave अनुदात्त and the circumflex (स्वरित) defined respectively as उच्चैरुदात्तः, नीचैरनुदात्तः and समाहारः स्वरितः by Panini (P. I. 2.29, 30,3l). The point whether समाहार means a combination or coming together one after another of the two, or a commixture or blending of the two is critically discussed in the Mahabhasya. (vide Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P. I. 2.31). There are however two kinds of svarita mentioned by Panini and found actually in use : (a) the independent स्वरित as possessed by the word स्वर् (from which possibly the word स्वरित was formed) and a few other words as also many times by the resultant vowel out of two vowels ( उदात्त and अनुदात्त ) combined, and (b) the enclitic or secondary svarita by which name, one or more grave vowels occurring after the udatta, in a chain, are called cf P. VIII. 2.4 VIII. 2.6 and VIII 4.66 and 67. The topic of accents is fully discussed by the authors of the Pratisakhyas as also by Panini. For details, see Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) III. 1.19; T.Pr. 38-47 Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya.I. 108 to 132, II. I.65 Atharvaveda Prātiśākhya. Adhyaya l padas 1, 2, 3 and Rk. Tantra 51-66; see also Kaiyata on P. I. 2.29; (3) The word स्वर is used also in the sense of a musical tone. This meaning arose out of the second meaning ' accent ' which itself arose from the first viz. 'vowel', and it is fully discussed in works explanatory of the chanting of Samas. Patanjali has given Seven subdivisions of accents which may be at the origin of the seven musical notes. See सप्तस्वर a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page..
svaritetmarked with a mute circumflex vowel; the term is used in connection with roots in the Dhatupatha which are said to have been so marked for the purpose of indicating that they are to take personal endings of both the padas; confer, compare स्वरितञित: कर्त्रभिप्राये क्रियाफले P. I.3.72.
hemacandraa Jain sage and scholar of remarkable erudition in the religious works of the Jainas as also in several Shastras. He was a resident of Dhandhuka in Gujarat, who, like Sankarācārya took संन्यासदीक्षा at a very early age and wrote a very large number of original books and commentaries, the total number of which may well nigh exceed fifty, during his long life of eighty-four years ( 1088 to ll 2 ). He stayed at AnhilavalaPattana in the North Gujarat and was patronised with extreme reverence by King Kumarapala who in fact, became his devoted pupil. Besides the well-known works on the various Shastras like Kavyanusasana, Abhidhanacintamani, Desinamamla, Yogasastra, Dvyasrayakavya, Trisastisalakapurusacarita and others which are well-known, he wrote a big work on grammar called सिद्धहेमचन्द्र by him,but popularly known by the name हेमव्याकरण or हैमशब्दानुशासन The , work consists of eight books or Adhyayas, out of which the eighth book is devoted to prakrit Grammar, and can be styled as a Grammar of all the Prakrit dialects. The Sanskrit Grammar of seven chapters is based practically upon Panini's Astadhyayi, the rules or sutras referring to Vedic words or Vedic affixes or accents being entirely omittedThe wording of the Sutras is much similar to that of Panini; at some places it is even identical. The order of the treatment of the subjects in the सिद्धहैम. शब्दानुशासनमृत्र is not, however, similar to that obtaining in the Astadhyayi of Panini. It is somewhat topicwise as in the Katantra Vyakarana. The first Adhyaya and a quarter of the second are devoted to Samjna, Paribhasa and declension; the second pada of the second Adhyaya is devoted to karaka, while the third pada of it is devoted to cerebralization and the fourth to the Stripratyayas.The first two Padas of the third Adhyaya are devoted to Samasas or compound words, while the last two Padas of the third Adhyaya and the fourth Adhyaya are devoted to conjugation The fifth Adhyaya is devoted to verbal derivatives or krdanta, while the sixth and the seventh Adhyayas are devoted to formations of nouns from nouns, or taddhita words. On this Sabda nusasana, which is just like Panini's Astadhyayi, the eighth adhyaya of Hemacandra being devoted to the grammar of the Arsa language similar to Vedic grammar of Panini, Hemacandra has himself written two glosses which are named लधुवृति and वृहृदवृत्ति and the famous commentary known as the Brhannyasa. Besides these works viz the हैमशब्दानुशासन, the two Vrttis on it and the Brhannyasa, he has given an appendix viz the Lingnusasana. The Grammar of Hemacandra, in short, introduced a new system of grammar different from, yet similar to, that of Panini, which by his followers was made completely similar to the Paniniya system by writing works similar to the Siddhantakaumudi, the Dhatuvrtti, the Manorama and the Paribhasendusekhara. हेमहंसगणि a grammarian belonging to the school of Hemacandra, who lived in the fifteenth century and wrote a work on Paribhasas named न्यायसंग्रह, on which he himself wrote a commentary called न्यायार्थमञ्जूषा and another one called by the name न्यास.
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saha-ṛtvik-ācārya-sadasyaḥ with all the priests, ācāryas and members of the holy assemblySB 8.20.22
antaḥ-sadasi conferenceSB 1.9.41
apadasya which has no perceptible qualitiesSB 10.87.29
daiteya-apasadasya of the great demon, HiraṇyakaśipuSB 7.4.25-26
daiteya-apasadasya of the great demon, HiraṇyakaśipuSB 7.4.25-26
dhanadasya to KuveraSB 4.11.33
sādhu-gāthā-sadasi in an assembly where saintly persons gather or exalted characteristics are discussedSB 7.4.35
madasya whose intoxicationSB 10.51.47
sadasya-mukhyaiḥ by the members of the sacrificeSB 4.2.19
na vadasi you do not speakSB 10.90.22
nāradasya of NāradaSB 4.31.25
nāradasya of NāradaSB 5.1.6
nāradasya of Saint NāradaSB 5.1.38
nāradasya of NāradaSB 9.7.8
nāradasya of NāradaSB 10.87.4
nāradasya with Nārada MuniSB 12.12.14-15
padasya positionMM 17
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ my dear priestsSB 4.13.30
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ ūcuḥ the head priests saidSB 4.13.31
sadasaḥ patayaḥ persons eligible to become presidents of learned assembliesSB 7.15.21
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ O leaders of the assemblySB 10.74.32
sadasaḥ-patiḥ satām the dean of the assembly of great personsSB 5.15.9
saha-ṛtvik-ācārya-sadasyaḥ with all the priests, ācāryas and members of the holy assemblySB 8.20.22
sa-sadasyebhyaḥ along with the members of the assemblySB 10.74.47
sa-sadasya who was accompanied by the members of the sacrificial assemblySB 11.2.32
sadasaḥ of the assemblySB 4.2.7
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ my dear priestsSB 4.13.30
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ ūcuḥ the head priests saidSB 4.13.31
sadasaḥ amongst the assembly membersSB 4.21.14
sadasaḥ-patiḥ satām the dean of the assembly of great personsSB 5.15.9
sadasaḥ patayaḥ persons eligible to become presidents of learned assembliesSB 7.15.21
sadasaḥ of the assemblySB 10.74.17
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ O leaders of the assemblySB 10.74.32
sadasaḥ in the assemblySB 10.84.8
antaḥ-sadasi conferenceSB 1.9.41
sadasi in the assembly ofSB 2.3.14
yajña-sadasi in the assembly of the sacrificeSB 4.4.9
sadasi in the midst of the assemblySB 4.5.19
sadasi in his assemblySB 5.2.3
sadasi in that assemblySB 6.7.10
sadasi in this assemblySB 6.7.11
sadasi in an assembly of great saintly personsSB 6.17.8
sadasi in the assemblySB 6.17.9
sadasi in the assemblySB 7.2.3
sādhu-gāthā-sadasi in an assembly where saintly persons gather or exalted characteristics are discussedSB 7.4.35
sadasi in the assemblySB 8.1.33
sadasi in the assemblySB 8.23.13
sadasi in the assemblySB 9.1.6
yadu-sadasi in the royal assembly of the YadusSB 10.47.12
sadasi in the midst of the assemblySB 10.74.30
sadasi in the assemblySB 10.74.42
sadasi into the assemblySB 11.1.19
sadasi in his assemblySB 11.4.16
sadasi in the assemblySB 12.12.57
sadasya-mukhyaiḥ by the members of the sacrificeSB 4.2.19
sadasya the members of the assemblySB 4.7.45
sadasya associates or followersSB 4.22.3
sadasya associatesSB 5.3.3
sadasya of the members of the assemblySB 10.74.18
sadasya the prominent members of the assembly who helped officiate in the sacrificeSB 10.75.8
sadasya the officiating witnessesSB 10.75.13
sadasya the officiating members of the assemblySB 10.75.22
sadasya the officials of the sacrificial assemblySB 10.84.55-56
sa-sadasya who was accompanied by the members of the sacrificial assemblySB 11.2.32
sadasyāḥ the members of the assemblySB 4.2.6
sadasyāḥ all the persons assembled in the sacrificial arenaSB 4.5.7
sadasyāḥ all the members assembled in the sacrificeSB 4.5.18
sadasyāḥ the members of the assemblySB 4.7.28
sadasyāḥ all the members of the assemblySB 8.18.22
saha-ṛtvik-ācārya-sadasyaḥ with all the priests, ācāryas and members of the holy assemblySB 8.20.22
sadasyāḥ members for executing the sacrificeSB 9.4.23
sadasyāḥ the officials of the sacrificeSB 10.75.25-26
sadasyāḥ the officiating members of the assemblySB 10.84.49
sadasyān to the priestsSB 4.13.29
sadasyebhyaḥ unto the sadasyas, the associate priestsSB 9.16.20
sa-sadasyebhyaḥ along with the members of the assemblySB 10.74.47
sādhu-gāthā-sadasi in an assembly where saintly persons gather or exalted characteristics are discussedSB 7.4.35
saha-ṛtvik-ācārya-sadasyaḥ with all the priests, ācāryas and members of the holy assemblySB 8.20.22
sadasaḥ-patiḥ satām the dean of the assembly of great personsSB 5.15.9
sadasaḥ-patayaḥ ūcuḥ the head priests saidSB 4.13.31
vadasi You tellBG 10.14
vadasi you are speakingSB 5.11.1
vadasi you are speakingSB 10.4.26
na vadasi you do not speakSB 10.90.22
vadasva please describeSB 3.7.23
vadasva kindly describeSB 3.10.2
vadasva kindly describeSB 8.1.1
vadasva kindly describeSB 8.5.11-12
vadasva kindly describeSB 8.14.1
vadasva kindly describeSB 10.1.4
vadasva please tellSB 11.1.9
vadasva please speakSB 11.16.3
viśāradasya of Your Lordship, who are expert in all respectsSB 8.23.8
yadu-sadasi in the royal assembly of the YadusSB 10.47.12
yajña-sadasi in the assembly of the sacrificeSB 4.4.9
     DCS with thanks   
18 results
     
adas noun (masculine) [gramm.] the pronoun adas
Frequency rank 18751/72933
adas pronoun jener
Frequency rank 143/72933
trasadasyu noun (masculine) name of a prince (son of Purukutsa) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 21401/72933
niḥsadasant adjective neither being nor not being
Frequency rank 56562/72933
padastoma noun (masculine) name of a Vedic hymn
Frequency rank 57068/72933
brahmasadas noun (neuter) [rel.] name of a Tīrtha
Frequency rank 24872/72933
sadas noun (neuter) a seat (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a shed erected in the sacrificial enclosure to the east of the Prācīnavaṃśa (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
abode (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
assembly (esp. at a sacrifice) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
dwelling (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
heaven and earth (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
place of meeting (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
residence (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 5639/72933
sadasī noun (feminine) ??? (a kind of building? a court?)
Frequency rank 68707/72933
sadasant adjective being and not being (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
good and bad (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
real and unreal (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
true and false (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 18562/72933
sadasant noun (neuter) existence and non-existence (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
good and evil (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the true and the false (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
truth and falsehood (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
what is existent and existence (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 11113/72933
sadasaspati noun (masculine)
Frequency rank 68708/72933
sadasistha adjective
Frequency rank 68709/72933
sadaseraka adjective with the Daserakas
Frequency rank 68710/72933
sadasya noun (masculine) a person belonging to a learned court-circle (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a superintending priest (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
an assessor (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
member of an assembly (at a sacrifice) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
spectator (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the seventeenth priest (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 6024/72933
sadasyatva noun (neuter) the state of being a sadasya
Frequency rank 68711/72933
sadasyavant adjective
Frequency rank 68712/72933
sasadasya adjective
Frequency rank 69607/72933
sasadasyartvij adjective
Frequency rank 69608/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
Dictionary
     Dr. Potturu with thanks
     
     Purchase Kindle edition

bhaiṣajyaratnāvali

a compilation of pharmaceutical preparations authored by Govindadās (18th Century ).

dvādaśa

twelve.

ekādaśa

eleven.

gayadāsa

āyurveda physician of Bengal region (10th-11th Century AD) and author of Nyāyacandrikāpañjika, a commentary on Suśrutasamhita.

govindadas

author of Bhaiṣajyaratnāvali (19th Century ).

mastiṣka

brain, mastiṣkaroga a disease of brain first described by Govindadas, 18th Century

pādasupti

insensibility of the feet, one of the vāta diseases.

taḍāsana

mountain-pose in yoga.

vṛkka

kidney; in some places vṛkka is also used for heart; vṛkkaroga a disease of kidney, first described by Govindadas 18th Century AD.

     Wordnet Search "adas" has 185 results.
     

adas

grahadaśā   

manuṣyasya jīvanakāle vividhānāṃ grahāṇāṃ niścitaḥ bhogakālaḥ।

mama grahadaśā samīcīnā vartate।

adas

nirābhimānin, anabhimānin, abhimānarahita, garvahīna, darpahīna, adaṃbhī, adarpī, nirahaṃkārī, ahaṃkārahīna, daṃbhahīna, nirahaṃkara, nirahaṃkṛta, ahaṃkārarahita, garvarahita, madaśūnya, amānin, aparuṣa, abhimānaśūnya   

yaḥ abhimānī nāsti।

santāḥ nirābhimāninaḥ santi।

adas

ekādaśī   

cāndramāsasya kasyāpi pakṣasya ekādaśatamā tithiḥ।

mātā pratyekam ekādaśyāṃ vrataṃ karoti।

adas

saptadaśa, १७   

daśottara sapta।

asyāṃ spardhāyāḥ kṛte saptadaśāḥ chātrāḥ samutsukaḥ santi।

adas

pakva, pariṇata, paripakva, supakva, paktrima, pakvatāpanna, pakvadaśāpanna, pakvadaśāprāpta   

rasapūrṇaṃ mṛdu tathā ca pariṇataṃ phalam/ kaṭhīnasya annasya mṛdubhūtam annam।

saḥ pakvam āmraṃ khādati।

adas

padasenā   

sā senā yā padābhyāṃ gacchati।

prācīne kāle yuddhe padasenā pradhānā āsīt।

adas

kalahakārin, kalahakāra, kalahapriya, kalikārī, kalikāraka, kalipriya, vivādārthin, vivādin, vivādaśīla, vivādapriya, yuyutsu   

yaḥ kalahaṃ karoti।

manoharaḥ kalahapriyām bhāryām upāyaṃsta।

adas

daivam, bhāgyam, bhāgaḥ, bhāgadheyam, daivayogaḥ, daivagatiḥ, daivadaśā, daivikam, diṣṭam, niyatiḥ, vidhiḥ   

yadanu manuṣyasya sarvakarmāṇi pūrvaṃ niścitāni bhavanti lalāṭadeśaśca yasya sthānatvena abhimataḥ tat anivāryaṃ tatvam।

karmavādī daive na viśvasiti। / daivaṃ caivātra pañcamam।

adas

sadasyaḥ, sabhāsad, sabhyaḥ, sabhāsthaḥ, sabhāstāraḥ, sabhābhyantaraḥ, sāmājikaḥ, pariṣadvalaḥ, parṣadvalaḥ, pariṣadaḥ, pārṣadaḥ, parisabhyaḥ   

sabhāyāṃ sādhuḥ।

saḥ naikāsāṃ saṃsthānāṃ sadasyaḥ asti।

adas

śivaḥ, śambhuḥ, īśaḥ, paśupatiḥ, pinākapāṇiḥ, śūlī, maheśvaraḥ, īśvaraḥ, sarvaḥ, īśānaḥ, śaṅkaraḥ, candraśekharaḥ, phaṇadharadharaḥ, kailāsaniketanaḥ, himādritanayāpatiḥ, bhūteśaḥ, khaṇḍaparaśuḥ, girīśaḥ, giriśaḥ, mṛḍaḥ, mṛtyañjayaḥ, kṛttivāsāḥ, pinākī, prathamādhipaḥ, ugraḥ, kapardī, śrīkaṇṭhaḥ, śitikaṇṭhaḥ, kapālabhṛt, vāmadevaḥ, mahādevaḥ, virūpākṣaḥ, trilocanaḥ, kṛśānuretāḥ, sarvajñaḥ, dhūrjaṭiḥ, nīlalohitaḥ, haraḥ, smaraharaḥ, bhargaḥ, tryambakaḥ, tripurāntakaḥ, gaṅgādharaḥ, andhakaripuḥ, kratudhvaṃsī, vṛṣadhvajaḥ, vyomakeśaḥ, bhavaḥ, bhaumaḥ, sthāṇuḥ, rudraḥ, umāpatiḥ, vṛṣaparvā, rerihāṇaḥ, bhagālī, pāśucandanaḥ, digambaraḥ, aṭṭahāsaḥ, kālañjaraḥ, purahiṭ, vṛṣākapiḥ, mahākālaḥ, varākaḥ, nandivardhanaḥ, hīraḥ, vīraḥ, kharuḥ, bhūriḥ, kaṭaprūḥ, bhairavaḥ, dhruvaḥ, śivipiṣṭaḥ, guḍākeśaḥ, devadevaḥ, mahānaṭaḥ, tīvraḥ, khaṇḍaparśuḥ, pañcānanaḥ, kaṇṭhekālaḥ, bharuḥ, bhīruḥ, bhīṣaṇaḥ, kaṅkālamālī, jaṭādharaḥ, vyomadevaḥ, siddhadevaḥ, dharaṇīśvaraḥ, viśveśaḥ, jayantaḥ, hararūpaḥ, sandhyānāṭī, suprasādaḥ, candrāpīḍaḥ, śūladharaḥ, vṛṣāṅgaḥ, vṛṣabhadhvajaḥ, bhūtanāthaḥ, śipiviṣṭaḥ, vareśvaraḥ, viśveśvaraḥ, viśvanāthaḥ, kāśīnāthaḥ, kuleśvaraḥ, asthimālī, viśālākṣaḥ, hiṇḍī, priyatamaḥ, viṣamākṣaḥ, bhadraḥ, ūrddharetā, yamāntakaḥ, nandīśvaraḥ, aṣṭamūrtiḥ, arghīśaḥ, khecaraḥ, bhṛṅgīśaḥ, ardhanārīśaḥ, rasanāyakaḥ, uḥ, hariḥ, abhīruḥ, amṛtaḥ, aśaniḥ, ānandabhairavaḥ, kaliḥ, pṛṣadaśvaḥ, kālaḥ, kālañjaraḥ, kuśalaḥ, kolaḥ, kauśikaḥ, kṣāntaḥ, gaṇeśaḥ, gopālaḥ, ghoṣaḥ, caṇḍaḥ, jagadīśaḥ, jaṭādharaḥ, jaṭilaḥ, jayantaḥ, raktaḥ, vāraḥ, vilohitaḥ, sudarśanaḥ, vṛṣāṇakaḥ, śarvaḥ, satīrthaḥ, subrahmaṇyaḥ   

devatāviśeṣaḥ- hindūdharmānusāraṃ sṛṣṭeḥ vināśikā devatā।

śivasya arcanā liṅgarūpeṇa pracalitā asti।

adas

dalasadasyaḥ   

yaḥ kasyāpi dalasya samudāyasya vā sadasyaḥ asti।

dalasadasyayoḥ kalahena dalaḥ durbalaṃ bhavati।

adas

buddhaḥ, sarvajñaḥ, sugataḥ, dharmarājaḥ, tathāgataḥ, samantabhadraḥ, bhagavān, mārajit, lokajit, jinaḥ, ṣaḍabhijñaḥ, daśabalaḥ, advayavādī, vināyakaḥ, munīndraḥ, śrīghanaḥ, śāstā, muniḥ, dharmaḥ, trikālajñaḥ, dhātuḥ, bodhisattvaḥ, mahābodhiḥ, āryaḥ, pañcajñānaḥ, daśārhaḥ, daśabhūmigaḥ, catustriṃśatajātakajñaḥ, daśapāramitādharaḥ, dvādaśākṣaḥ, trikāyaḥ, saṃguptaḥ, dayakurcaḥ, khajit, vijñānamātṛkaḥ, mahāmaitraḥ, dharmacakraḥ, mahāmuniḥ, asamaḥ, khasamaḥ, maitrī, balaḥ, guṇākaraḥ, akaniṣṭhaḥ, triśaraṇaḥ, budhaḥ, vakrī, vāgāśaniḥ, jitāriḥ, arhaṇaḥ, arhan, mahāsukhaḥ, mahābalaḥ, jaṭādharaḥ, lalitaḥ   

bauddhadharmasya pravartakaḥ yaṃ janāḥ īśvaraṃ manyante।

kuśīnagaram iti buddhasya parinirvāṇasthalaṃ iti khyātam।

adas

aṣṭādaśan   

aṣṭa ca daśa ca।

nava ca nava ca militvā aṣṭādaśa iti saṅkhyā। / idamaṣṭādaśaṃ proktaṃ purāṇam kaurmasaṃjñitam।

adas

sāgaraḥ, samudraḥ, abdhiḥ, akūpāraḥ, pārāvāraḥ, saritpatiḥ, udanvān, udadhiḥ, sindhuḥ, sarasvān, sāgaraḥ, arṇavaḥ, ratnākaraḥ, jalanidhiḥ, yādaḥpatiḥ, apāmpatiḥ, mahākacchaḥ, nadīkāntaḥ, tarīyaḥ, dvīpavān, jalendraḥ, manthiraḥ, kṣauṇīprācīram, makarālayaḥ, saritāmpatiḥ, jaladhiḥ, nīranijhiḥ, ambudhiḥ, pāthondhiḥ, pādhodhiḥ, yādasāmpatiḥ, nadīnaḥ, indrajanakaḥ, timikoṣaḥ, vārāṃnidhiḥ, vārinidhiḥ, vārdhiḥ, vāridhiḥ, toyanidhiḥ, kīlāladhiḥ, dharaṇīpūraḥ, kṣīrābdhiḥ, dharaṇiplavaḥ, vāṅkaḥ, kacaṅgalaḥ, peruḥ, mitadruḥ, vāhinīpatiḥ, gaṅagādharaḥ, dāradaḥ, timiḥ, prāṇabhāsvān, urmimālī, mahāśayaḥ, ambhonidhiḥ, ambhodhiḥ, tariṣaḥ, kūlaṅkaṣaḥ, tāriṣaḥ, vārirāśiḥ, śailaśiviram, parākuvaḥ, tarantaḥ, mahīprācīram, sarinnāthaḥ, ambhorāśiḥ, dhunīnāthaḥ, nityaḥ, kandhiḥ, apānnāthaḥ   

bhūmeḥ paritaḥ lavaṇayuktā jalarāśiḥ।

sāgare mauktikāni santi।

adas

sadaśvaḥ, sukaraḥ, sukhacāraḥ, sukhāyanaḥ, vitantuḥ   

saḥ aśvaḥ yaḥ ārohaṇārthe yogyaḥ।

prācīnakālīnaḥ rājānaḥ sadaśve āruhya vane mṛgayārthe gacchanti sma।

adas

vāyuḥ, vātaḥ, anilaḥ, pavanaḥ, pavamānaḥ, prabhañjanaḥ, śvasanaḥ, sparśanaḥ, mātariśvā, sadāgatiḥ, pṛṣadaśvaḥ, gandhavahaḥ, gandhavāhaḥ, āśugaḥ, samīraḥ, mārutaḥ, marut, jagatprāṇaḥ, samīraṇaḥ, nabhasvān, ajagatprāṇaḥ, khaśvāsaḥ, vābaḥ, dhūlidhvajaḥ, phaṇipriyaḥ, vātiḥ, nabhaḥprāṇaḥ, bhogikāntaḥ, svakampanaḥ, akṣatiḥ, kampalakṣmā, śasīniḥ, āvakaḥ, hariḥ, vāsaḥ, sukhāśaḥ, mṛgavābanaḥ, sāraḥ, cañcalaḥ, vihagaḥ, prakampanaḥ, nabhaḥ, svaraḥ, niśvāsakaḥ, stanūnaḥ, pṛṣatāmpatiḥ, śīghraḥ   

viśvagamanavān viśvavyāpī tathā ca yasmin jīvāḥ śvasanti।

vāyuṃ vinā jīvanasya kalpanāpi aśakyā।

adas

pādāghātaḥ, padapātaḥ, caraṇapātaḥ, pādāsphālanam, pādādhyāsaḥ, caraṇaskandanam, pramathanam   

padasya āsphālanam।

kasyacit pādāghātaḥ śrūyate।

adas

dvādaśākṣarī   

devanāgarīvarṇamālāyāṃ pratyekena vyañjanena saha svarasaṃyojanaṃ kṛtvā lekhanasya kathanasya vā kriyā।

ka-kā-ki-kī-ku-kū-ke-kai-ko-kau-kaṃ-kaḥ eṣā kakārasya dvādaśākṣarī asti।

adas

dvādaśadvārakoṣṭha   

saḥ prakoṣṭhaḥ yasmai dvādaśadvārāṇi santi।

prācīne kāle dhanavantaḥ dvādaśadvārakoṣṭhe prakṛtisaukhyam āsvāditāḥ।

adas

virahadvādaśī   

tad gītaṃ yasmin dvādaśamāsānāṃ virahasya varṇanaṃ vartate।

nāgamatyāḥ virahavarṇane virahadvādaśyāḥ ullekhaḥ asti।

adas

dvādaśamāsin   

dvādaśamāse bhava।

adhunā hāṭe naikāni dvādaśamāsīni phalāni upalabdhāni santi।

adas

śvā, kukkuraḥ, kukuraḥ, śunakaḥ, bhaṣakaḥ, mṛgadaśakaḥ, vakrapucchaḥ, vakrabāladhiḥ, lalajivhaḥ, jihvāliṭ, vṛkāriḥ, grāmasiṃhaḥ, śīghracetanaḥ, rātrījāgaraḥ, kṛtajñaḥ, sārameyaḥ, vāntādaḥ, śaratkāmī, śavakāmyaḥ, kauleyakaḥ   

grāmyapaśuḥ vṛkajātīyaḥ paśuḥ।

kukkurasya bhaṣaṇāt na suptaḥ aham।

adas

anupadam, kramaśaḥ, padaśaḥ, pade pade, padātpadam, pratipadam   

padaṃ prayujya।

anupadaṃ saḥ svasya lakṣyam abhi agacchat।

adas

sadasyatā   

sabhāsadabhavanasya avasthā bhāvo vā।

śītalena chātrapariṣadaḥ sadasyatā gṛhītā।

adas

ekādaśam, rudraḥ, duryodhanasenāpatiḥ, kālaḥ   

ekādhikā daśa saṅkhyā।

saptādhikaṃ catvāri ekādaśaṃ bhavati।

adas

varuṇaḥ, pracetāḥ, pāśī, yādasāṃpatiḥ, appatiḥ, yādaḥpatiḥ, apāṃpatiḥ, jambukaḥ, meghanādaḥ, jaleśvaraḥ, parañjayaḥ, daityadevaḥ, jīvanāvāsaḥ, nandapālaḥ, vārilomaḥ, kuṇḍalī, rāmaḥ, sukhāśaḥ, kaviḥ, keśaḥ   

ekā vaidikī devatā yā jalasya adhipatiḥ asti iti manyate।

vedeṣu varuṇasya pūjanasya vidhānam asti।

adas

jaladasyuḥ, naudasyuḥ   

saḥ coraḥ yaḥ naukāṃ tathā ca sāgarīyātriṇam apaharati।

nausainikāḥ jaladasyūn agṛhṇan।

adas

dvādaśa, sūrya, māsa, rāśi, saṃkrānti, guhabāhu, sārikoṣṭha, guhanetra, rājamaṇḍala   

dvyādhikā daśa।

naukāyāṃ dvādaśāḥ puruṣāḥ santi।

adas

vijayādaśamī   

hindūdharme aśvinamāsasya śuklapakṣe daśamyāṃ yam utsavaṃ nirvartayanti।

bhāratasya pūrvabhāge vijayādaśamīṃ sotsāhena nirvartayanti।

adas

śamaya, upaśamaya, praśamaya, saṃśamaya, praviśāmaya, nāśaya, nirvāpaya, parihan, udvāpaya, vidhmāpaya, vilopaya, śoṣaya, saṃsādhaya, samāstṛ, upadāsaya, saṃprakṣāpaya   

kecana padārthena agnipraśamanapreraṇānukūlaḥ vyāpāraḥ।

saḥ dīpaṃ śamayati।

adas

vākyam, padasamūhaḥ   

parasparaiḥ sambaddhānāṃ padānāṃ samūhaḥ yena svābhiprāyāḥ prakaṭīkriyante।

asya lekhasya prathame vākye kecana doṣāḥ santi।

adas

bādaśāhaḥ   

yavanānāṃ rājā।

bādaśāhaḥ naikeṣāṃ prakārakāṇāṃ karāḥ janebhyaḥ svīkaroti sma।

adas

vivādita, vivādāspada, vādagrasta, vivādagrasta   

yasya viṣaye vivādaḥ jāyate।

vivādite viṣaye ubhayapakṣe sandhiḥ abhavat।

adas

dvādaśī   

cāndramāsasya pratyekasya pakṣasya dvādaśatamā tithiḥ।

mama putraḥ kṛṣṇapakṣasya dvādaśyāṃ jātaḥ।

adas

mahātmāgāndhīmahodayaḥ, mohanadāsakaramacandagāndhīmahodayaḥ   

bhāratadeśasya rāṣṭrapitā yena bhāratadeśasya svatantratāyai mahatvapūrṇaṃ kāryam ūḍham।

mahātmāgāndhīmahodayasya janma ākṭobaramāsasya dvitīye dināṅke ekasahastra-aṣṭaśatādhika-navaṣaṣṭitame varṣe abhavat।

adas

ekādaśa   

daśādhikam ekam abhidheyā।

krikeṭakrīḍāyāṃ ekādaśāḥ krīḍāpaṭavaḥ santi।

adas

ṣaḍaśītiḥ   

ṣaḍadhikam aśītiḥ abhidheyā।

pañcāśītyāḥ anantaraṃ vartamānā saṅkhyā ṣaḍaśītiḥ।

adas

ṣaḍaśīti   

ṣaṭ adhikaṃ aśītiḥ abhidheyā।

asmin pāṭhaśālāyāṃ ṣaḍaśītiḥ chātrāḥ santi।

adas

devadāsī   

devatāyai samarpitā sā strī yā mandire dāsīrūpeṇa nartakīrūpeṇa vā nivasati।

asmin mandire naikāḥ devadāsyaḥ santi।

adas

devotthānaikādaśī, prabodhinī-ekādaśī   

kārtikamāsasya śuklapakṣe vartamānā ekādaśī।

devotthānaikādaśyāṃ viṣṇuḥ śeṣasya mañcāt uttiṣṭhati iti manyate।

adas

dvitīya, dvitīyaka, dvitīyīka, dvitīyapadastha   

gaṇanāyāṃ prathamāt anantaraṃ tṛtīyasmāt pūrvaṃ vartamānaḥ।

uttīrṇa-chātrāṇāṃ sūcyāṃ mama putrasya nāma dvitīyam asti।

adas

nirvivāda, avivādita, vivādahīna, avivādāspada, vivādātīta, nirvivādita   

vivādarahitaḥ।

sūryaḥ sthiraḥ asti iti nirvivādaṃ satyam asti।

adas

pañcadaśa   

pañcādhikaṃ daśa।

mama pārśve pañcadaśa rūpyakāṇi santi।

adas

pādāsanam, upadhānam, āsādaḥ, caraṇopadhānam   

yānādiṣu pādau sthāpayituṃ nirmitaṃ sthānam।

yāne upaveṣṭuṃ saḥ pādāsane padam asthāpayat।

adas

yauvanāvasthā, yauvanadaśā, yauvanam, kaumāram   

kasyāpi manuṣyasya āyuṣaḥ ekādaśavarṣataḥ pañcadaśavarṣaparyantasya avasthā।

rāmasya vivāhaḥ yauvanāvasthāyām abhavat।

adas

hā, vihā, viyujya, apaci, cyu, pracyu, upadas, virādh   

nāśānukūlaḥ vyāpāraḥ।

dhanasya lipsāyāḥ kāraṇāt saḥ prāṇān ajihīta।

adas

daṃś, khard vṛścikasya madhumakṣiṇāṃ vā dantaiḥ kṣetre mamatāṃ vṛścikaḥ adaśat.   

vṛścikasya madhumakṣikāyāḥ viṣayuktaiḥ daṃṣṭraiḥ tuditvā viṣasya praveśanānukūlaḥ vyāpāraḥ।

kṣetre mamatāṃ vṛścikaḥ adaśat।

adas

ekādaśaḥ   

yaḥ gaṇanāyāṃ daśād anantaram āgacchati।

adya prabhṛti ekādaśe dine kanyāyāḥ vivāhaḥ bhaviṣyati।

adas

aṣṭādaśa   

aṣṭādhikaṃ daśa abhidheyā।

asmin prakoṣṭhe aṣṭādaśa janāḥ upaviśanti।

adas

sūradāsaḥ   

ṣoḍaśatame saṃvatsare vartamānaḥ ekaḥ hindībhāṣakaḥ kaviḥ yaḥ andhaḥ āsīt।

sūradāsasya racanāḥ kṛṣṇasya bhaktyā paripūrṇāḥ santi।

adas

dvādaśatama   

yaḥ gaṇanāyām ekādaśād anantaram trayodaśāt pūrvam āgacchati।

asmād gṛhād dvādaśatamaṃ gṛham maṅgalāyāḥ asti।

adas

pañcadaśa   

daśādhikaṃ pañca।

aṣṭādhikaṃ pañca pañcadaśa bhavanti।

adas

pañcadaśa, pañcadaśatama   

yaḥ gaṇanāyāṃ caturdaśād anantaram ṣoḍaśāt pūrvam āgacchati।

pañcadaśyāṃ paṅkatyāṃ ko'pi bālaḥ apatat।

adas

saptadaśatama   

yaḥ gaṇanāyāṃ ṣoḍaśād anantaram āgacchati।

adya saḥ svasya vivāhasya saptadaśatamaṃ vardhāpanavarṣaṃ prārcati।

adas

saptadaśa   

saptādhikaṃ daśa।

navādhikam aṣṭa saptadaśa bhavanti।

adas

aṣṭādaśa, aṣṭādaśatama   

yaḥ gaṇanāyāṃ saptadaśād anantaram āgacchati।

eṣā mama aṣṭādaśī yātrā।

adas

dvādaśa   

dvyadhikaṃ daśa।

ṣaḍ adhikaṃ ṣaṭ dvādaśa bhavanti।

adas

vāmanadvādaśī   

bhādrapadamāsasya śuklapakṣasya dvādaśī।

vāmanadvādaśyāṃ bhagavatā viṣṇunā vāmanāvatāraḥ gṛhītaḥ।

adas

nābhādāsaḥ   

ekaḥ bhaktakaviḥ yaḥ bhaktamāla iti granthasya racayitā।

nābhādāsaḥ bhaktikāle ajāyata।

adas

padastha, padasthita   

svapāde sthitaḥ।

atra padasthaḥ tapasvī vasati।

adas

padastha   

yaḥ svapadbhayāṃ calati।

mātā vātsalyena padasthaṃ bālakam aṅke utthāpitavatī।

adas

padastha   

pade niyuktaḥ।

padasthasya adhikāriṇaḥ sthānāntaram abhavat।

adas

saptadaśa   

gaṇanāyāṃ saptadaśasthāne vartamānaḥ;

eṣā kādambaryāḥ saptadaśā āvṛttiḥ asti।

adas

ṣaḍaśītitama, ṣaḍaśīta   

gaṇanāyāṃ ṣaḍaśīteḥ sthāne vartamānaḥ।

yajñasya ṣaḍaśītitame kuṇḍe kiñcit idhmaḥ sthāpyatām।

adas

mahatīdvādaśī   

bhādrapadamāsasya śuklapakṣasya sā dvādaśī yā śrāvaṇanakṣatrayuktā asti।

kecana janāḥ mahatīdvādaśyāṃ vratam ācaranti।

adas

nirjalaikādaśī, bhīmasenyekādaśī   

jyeṣṭhamāsasya śuklapakṣasya ekādaśī।

nirjalaikādaśyāṃ hindūjanāḥ vratam ācaranti।

adas

vāmanaikādaśī, parivartinyekādaśī   

bhādrapadamāsasya śuklapakṣasya ekādaśī।

viṣṇuḥ vāmanaikādaśyāṃ kukṣīṃ parivartayati iti manyate।

adas

kūrmadvādaśī   

pauṣamāsasya śuklapakṣasya dvādaśī।

kūrmadvādaśyāṃ kūrmāvatāraḥ abhavat।

adas

kāmikaikādaśī   

śrāvaṇamāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣasya ekādaśī।

manoramā kāmikaikādaśyāṃ jātaḥ।

adas

śravaṇadvādaśī   

bhādrapadamāsasya śuklapakṣasya śravaṇanakṣatrayuktā dvādaśī।

saḥ śravaṇadvādaśyāṃ vrataṃ karoti।

adas

śayanabodhinī-ekādaśī   

mārgaśīrṣamāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣasya ekādaśī।

śyāmaḥ śayanabodhinī-ekādaśyāṃ jātaḥ।

adas

śayanaikādaśī   

āṣāḍhamāsasya śuklapakṣasya ekādaśī।

śayanaikādaśī viṣṇoḥ śayanasya dinam asti iti manyate।

adas

indiraikādaśī, dhanadaikādaśī   

āśvinamāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣasya ekādaśī।

suśīlāyāḥ mātā indiraikādaśyāṃ vrataṃ karoti।

adas

trispṛśaikādaśī   

māghamāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣasya ekādaśī।

adya trispṛśaikādaśī vartate।

adas

rāmadāsaḥ, śrīsamarthaḥ, rāmadāsasvāmī   

dakṣiṇabhārate jātaḥ ekaḥ mahātmā।

rāmadāsaḥ śivājīmahārājasya guruḥ āsīt।

adas

rāmadāsaḥ   

śīkhadharmiyāṇāṃ caturthaḥ guruḥ।

amaradāsāt anantaraṃ rāmadāsaḥ śīkhadharmiyāṇāṃ guruḥ abhavat।

adas

madanadvādaśī   

caitramāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣe vartamānā dvādaśī।

kecana janāḥ madanadvādaśyāṃ vrataṃ kurvanti।

adas

rāmadvādaśī   

jyeṣṭhamāsasya śuklapakṣe vartamānā dvādaśī।

mahendraḥ rāmadvādaśyāṃ jātaḥ।

adas

daṃśaḥ, ādaṃśaḥ, sarpadaṣṭam   

sarpavṛścikādīnāṃ jantūnām abhidaśanena jāyamānaḥ vraṇaḥ।

daṃśaḥ nīlavarṇīyaḥ jātaḥ।

adas

saphalaikādaśī, saphalā-ekādaśī   

pauṣamāsasya kṛṣṇapakṣe vartamānā ekādaśī।

saphalaikādaśyāṃ nārāyaṇaṃ pūjayanti।

adas

pādasphoṭaḥ, vipādikā, sphuṭī, sphuṭiḥ, pādasphoṭiḥ   

ekādaśakṣudrakuṣṭhāntargatatṛtīyakuṣṭham।

pādasphoṭe pādeṣu kṛṣṇavarṇīyaḥ gaṇḍaḥ nirgacchati।

adas

jalakirāṭaḥ, tantunāgaḥ, dṛḍhadaśakaḥ, hāṅgyaraḥ   

mīnasya bṛhat prakāraḥ।

jalakirāṭaḥ māṃsāharī bhavati।

adas

dṛḍhadasyuḥ   

ṛṣiviśeṣaḥ।

dṛḍhadasyuḥ dṛḍhacyutasya putraḥ āsīt।

adas

ṣaḍaśva   

yasmin ṣaṭ aśvāḥ āyuktāḥ।

senāpatiḥ ṣaḍaśve rathe ārūḍhaḥ।

adas

matsyadvādaśī   

mārgaśīrṣasya śuklapakṣasya dvādaśī।

rāghavaḥ matsyadvādaśyāṃ jātaḥ।

adas

mahādaśā   

kasyāpi grahasya sā daśā yasyāṃ saḥ atīva apakārī bhavati।

śaneḥ mahādaśāyāḥ rakṣituṃ saḥ kimapi anuṣṭhānaṃ karoti।

adas

sunāmadvādaśī   

ekaḥ vrataviśeṣaḥ।

sunāmadvādaśyāḥ anuṣṭhānaṃ māsasya śuklapakṣasya dvādaśatame dine kriyate।

adas

saṃsadsadasyaḥ, pratinidhisabhāsadasyaḥ, lokasabhāsadasyaḥ   

yaḥ saṃsadaḥ sadasyaḥ asti।

saṃsadasadasyaiḥ na tathā ācaritavyaṃ yena saṃsadaḥ garimāyāḥ apakāraḥ bhaviṣyati।

adas

sūryaḥ, sūraḥ, aryamā, ādityaḥ, dvādaśātmā, divākaraḥ, bhāskaraḥ, ahaskaraḥ, vradhraḥ, prabhākaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, bhāsvān, vivasvān, saptāśvaḥ, haridaśvaḥ, uṣṇaraśmiḥ, vivarttanaḥ, arkaḥ, mārttaṇḍaḥ, mihiraḥ, aruṇaḥ, vṛṣā, dyumaṇiḥ, taraṇiḥ, mitraḥ, citrabhānuḥ, virocan, vibhāvasuḥ, grahapatiḥ, tviṣāmpatiḥ, ahaḥpatiḥ, bhānuḥ, haṃsaḥ, sahastrāṃśuḥ, tapanaḥ, savitā, raviḥ, śūraḥ, bhagaḥ, vṛdhnaḥ, padminīvallabhaḥ, hariḥ, dinamaṇiḥ, caṇḍāṃśuḥ, saptasaptiḥ, aṃśumālī, kāśyapeyaḥ, khagaḥ, bhānumān, lokalocanaḥ, padmabandhuḥ, jyotiṣmān, avyathaḥ, tāpanaḥ, citrarathaḥ, khamaṇiḥ, divāmaṇiḥ, gabhastihastaḥ, heliḥ, pataṃgaḥ, arcciḥ, dinapraṇīḥ, vedodayaḥ, kālakṛtaḥ, graharājaḥ, tamonudaḥ, rasādhāraḥ, pratidivā, jyotiḥpīthaḥ, inaḥ, karmmasākṣī, jagaccakṣuḥ, trayītapaḥ, pradyotanaḥ, khadyotaḥ, lokabāndhavaḥ, padminīkāntaḥ, aṃśuhastaḥ, padmapāṇiḥ, hiraṇyaretāḥ, pītaḥ, adriḥ, agaḥ, harivāhanaḥ, ambarīṣaḥ, dhāmanidhiḥ, himārātiḥ, gopatiḥ, kuñjāraḥ, plavagaḥ, sūnuḥ, tamopahaḥ, gabhastiḥ, savitraḥ, pūṣā, viśvapā, divasakaraḥ, dinakṛt, dinapatiḥ, dyupatiḥ, divāmaṇiḥ, nabhomaṇiḥ, khamaṇiḥ, viyanmaṇiḥ, timiraripuḥ, dhvāntārātiḥ, tamonudaḥ, tamopahaḥ, bhākoṣaḥ, tejaḥpuñjaḥ, bhānemiḥ, khakholkaḥ, khadyotanaḥ, virocanaḥ, nabhaścakṣūḥ, lokacakṣūḥ, jagatsākṣī, graharājaḥ, tapatāmpatiḥ, sahastrakiraṇaḥ, kiraṇamālī, marīcimālī, aṃśudharaḥ, kiraṇaḥ, aṃśubharttā, aṃśuvāṇaḥ, caṇḍakiraṇaḥ, dharmāṃśuḥ, tīkṣṇāṃśuḥ, kharāṃśuḥ, caṇḍaraśmiḥ, caṇḍamarīciḥ, caṇḍadīdhitiḥ, aśītamarīciḥ, aśītakaraḥ, śubharaśmiḥ, pratibhāvān, vibhāvān, vibhāvasuḥ, pacataḥ, pacelimaḥ, śuṣṇaḥ, gaganādhvagaḥ, gaṇadhvajaḥ, khacaraḥ, gaganavihārī, padmagarbhaḥ, padmāsanaḥ, sadāgatiḥ, haridaśvaḥ, maṇimān, jīviteśaḥ, murottamaḥ, kāśyapī, mṛtāṇḍaḥ, dvādaśātmakaḥ, kāmaḥ, kālacakraḥ, kauśikaḥ, citrarathaḥ, śīghragaḥ, saptasaptiḥ   

hindūnāṃ dharmagrantheṣu varṇitā ekā devatā।

vedeṣu sūryasya pūjāyāḥ vāraṃvāraṃ vidhānam asti।

adas

aṅguliḥ, śalākā, pādāṅguliḥ, aṅguriḥ, pādaśākhā   

pādasya śākhā।

mama ekā aṅguliḥ kṣatigrastā jātā।

adas

sadasyaḥ   

kasyāpi bṛhatyāḥ saṃsthāyāḥ bhāgarūpeṇa vartamānā anyā saṃsthā (viśiṣya tat rājyaṃ yat anyeṣāṃ rāṣṭrāṇāṃ samūhena sambaddham asti) ।

saṃyuktarāṣṭrasaṅghasya kanāḍādeśaḥ sadasyaḥ asti।

adas

sadasyaḥ   

kasyāpi vargasya samūhasya vā bhāgaḥ।

manuṣyaḥ stanapāyijantuvargasya sadasyaḥ asti।

adas

śvā, kukkuraḥ, kukuraḥ, śunakaḥ, bhaṣakaḥ, mṛgadaśakaḥ, vakrapucchaḥ, vakrabāladhiḥ, lalajivhaḥ, jihvāliṭ, vṛkāriḥ, grāmasiṃhaḥ, śīghracetanaḥ, rātrījāgaraḥ, kṛtajñaḥ, sārameyaḥ, vāntādaḥ, śaratkāmī, śavakāmyaḥ, kauleyakaḥ   

puṃjātīyaśvā।

saḥ śvānaṃ pālayati na tu śunīm।

adas

dvādaśakaraḥ   

bhairavīrāgiṇyāḥ bhedaviśeṣaḥ।

saṅgītajñaḥ dvādaśakaraṃ gāyati।

adas

dvādaśakaraḥ   

kārtikeyasya anucaraḥ।

dvādaśakarasya varṇanaṃ purāṇeṣu asti।

adas

trasadasyuḥ   

vaidikaḥ ṛṣiviśeṣaḥ।

trasadasyoḥ varṇanaṃ ṛgvede asti।

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

paurāṇikaḥ rājarṣiviśeṣaḥ।

pṛṣadaśvasya varṇanaṃ mahābhārate prāpyate।

adas

dādāsāhebaphālakemahodayaḥ   

bhāratīyasya calacitrasya janakaḥ।

dādāsāhebaphālakemahodayasya janma tryambakeśvaranagare 30 eprilamāse 1860 śatābdau jātam।

adas

sambhāṣaṇaśīlatā, saṃvādaśīlatā   

sambhāṣaṇaśīlasya avasthā।

mātāpitṛbhyāṃ putraiḥ saha sambhāṣaṇaśīlatā sthāpitavyā।

adas

sadasyīya   

sadasyena sambaddhaḥ।

pañca sadasyīyaḥ videśināṃ janānāṃ dalaḥ asmākaṃ grāme abhyāgacchat।

adas

rājyasabhāsadasyaḥ   

rājyasabhāyāḥ sadasyaḥ।

amerikādeśīyaḥ rājyasabhāsadasyaḥ bhāratadeśam abhyāgacchati।

adas

vihārasadasyaḥ   

kasyāpi vihārasya sadasyaḥ।

adya sāyaṅkāle vihārasadasyānāṃ saṅgoṣṭhiḥ asti।

adas

uccapadastha   

uccapade vartamānaḥ।

rāmasya pitā senāyām uccapadasthaḥ adhikārī asti।

adas

govatsadvādaśī   

aśvinakṛṣṇadvādaśī tithiḥ yasyāṃ tithau gavādayaḥ pūjyante।

naikāḥ mahilāḥ govatsadvādaśyām upavāsaṃ kurvanti।

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

vyaktiviśeṣaḥ ।

pravaravāṅmaye tathā ca mahābhārate pṛṣadaśvasya tasya śiṣyānāṃ ullekhaḥ vidyate

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

virūpasya putraḥ ।

bhāgavatapurāṇe pṛṣadaśvaḥ samullikhitaḥ

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

an-raṇyasya putraḥ tathā ca hary-śvasya pitā ।

viṣṇupurāṇe pṛṣadaśvaḥ varṇita:

adas

vaidyajīvadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

vaidyajīvadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

vaiṣṇavadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

vaiṣṇavadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

vyāsadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

vyāsadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

śakaṭadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

śakaṭadāsasya ullekhaḥ mudrārākṣasam iti nāṭake asti

adas

śaṅkaradāsaḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

śaṅkaradāsaḥ iti nāmakānāṃ naikeṣāṃ lekhakānām ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

pṛṣadaśvasya ullekhaḥ pravaragranthe tathā ca mahābhārate vartate

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

anraṇyasya putraḥ ।

pṛṣadaśvaḥ haryaśvasya pitā āsīt

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

virūpasya putraḥ ।

pṛṣadaśvasya ullekhaḥ bhāgavatapurāṇe vartate

adas

śākadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ śikṣakaḥ ।

śākadāsasya ullekhaḥ vaṃśabrāhmaṇe asti

adas

śāmaladāsaḥ   

ekaḥ ādhunikaḥ kaviḥ ।

śāmaladāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

śāradaśarvarī   

ekaṃ kāvyam ।

śāradaśarvaryāḥ ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

kumāradāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

kumāradāsasya kāvyaṃ karṇamadhuram asti

adas

kṛcchradvādaśarātram   

dvādaśadivasīyaṃ prāyaścit ।

kṛcchradvādaśarātraṃ āpastamba-dharma-sūtre ullikhitam

adas

śivadaśakam   

kṛtiviśeṣaḥ ।

śivadaśakam iti nāmake dve kṛtī vartete

adas

śivadāsadevaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

śivadāsadevasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

śivadīnadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ jyotirvid ।

śivadīnadāsasya ullekhaḥ kośe asti

adas

śivanārāyaṇadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

śivanārāyaṇadāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

vyaktiviśeṣaḥ ।

pravaravāṅmaye tathā ca mahābhārate pṛṣadaśvasya tasya śiṣyānāṃ ullekhaḥ vidyate

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

bhagavān śivaḥ ।

śivagītāyāṃ pṛṣadaśvaḥ vistāreṇa varṇitaḥ

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

virūpasya putraḥ ।

bhāgavatapurāṇe pṛṣadaśvaḥ samullikhitaḥ

adas

pṛṣadaśvaḥ   

an-raṇyasya putraḥ tathā ca hary-śvasya pitā ।

viṣṇupurāṇe pṛṣadaśvaḥ varṇita:

adas

pracaladāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

kośeṣu pracaladāsasya varṇanaṃ prāpyate

adas

prayāgadāsaḥ   

dvipuruṣāṇāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

kośe prayāgadāsaḥ ullikhitaḥ

adas

priyadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ ṭīkākāraḥ ।

bhakta-mālāyāḥ ṭīkākāraḥ priyadāsaḥ asti

adas

priyādāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

kośeṣu priyādāsaḥ varṇitaḥ

adas

buddhadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vidvān ।

prācīna-bhāratīya-bauddha-vāṅmaye buddhadāsaḥ samullikhitaḥ

adas

kumāradāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

kumāradāsasya kāvyaṃ karṇamadhuram asti

adas

kṛcchradvādaśarātram   

dvādaśadivasīyaṃ prāyaścit ।

kṛcchradvādaśarātraṃ āpastamba-dharma-sūtre ullikhitam

adas

buddhadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vidvān ।

prācīna-bhāratīya-bauddha-vāṅmaye buddhadāsaḥ samullikhitaḥ

adas

rāmadāsa   

ekaḥ mantrī ।

rāmadāsaḥ akabarasya mantrī āsīt

adas

keśavadāsaḥ   

naikeṣāṃ lekhakānāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

keśavadāsasya varṇanaṃ kośe samupalabhyate

adas

śyāmadāsaḥ   

puruṣanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

śyāmadāsaḥ iti nāmakānāṃ naikeṣāṃ puruṣāṇām ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

śrīkhaṇḍadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

śrīkhaṇḍadāsasya ullekhaḥ ratnāvalyām asti

adas

śrīdharadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

śrīdharadāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

saṅghadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

saṅghadāsasya ullekhaḥ bauddhasāhitye asti

adas

sadaśvasenaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

sadaśvasenasya ullekhaḥ praśastyām asti

adas

sadaśvormiḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

sadaśvormeḥ ullekhaḥ mahābhārate asti

adas

sadasthimālā   

ekaḥ ṭīkāgranthaḥ ।

sadasthimālāyāḥ ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

sadasyormiḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

sadasyormeḥ ullekhaḥ mahābhārate asti

adas

sadāśaṅkaraḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

sadāśaṅkarasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

sadāśvaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

sadāśvasya ullekhaḥ viṣṇupurāṇe asti

adas

sarvadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ kaviḥ ।

sarvadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

ṣaḍaśītiḥ   

granthanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

naikeṣāṃ granthānāṃ nāma ṣaḍaśīti iti vartate

adas

saptadaśaḥ   

sūktasamūhaviśeṣaḥ ।

saptadaśasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

keśavadāsaḥ   

naikeṣāṃ lekhakānāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

keśavadāsasya varṇanaṃ kośe samupalabhyate

adas

gaṅgadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ ṭīkākāraḥ ।

gaṅgadāsena khaṇḍapraśastikāvyasya ṭīkā racitā

adas

gadasiṃhaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

gadasiṃhasya varṇanaṃ smṛtitattve samupalabhyate

adas

gayadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaidyaḥ ।

gayadāsasya varṇanaṃ bhāvaprakāśe vartate

adas

gayādāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

gayādāsasya varṇanaṃ kośe vartate

adas

gopāladāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

gopāladāsena gajavidyāsambandhi-granthaḥ likhitaḥ

adas

gopāladāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lipikāraḥ ।

gopāladāsasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

gorakṣadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ rājaputraḥ ।

gorakṣadāsasya ullekhaḥ abhilekhe dṛśyate

adas

caṅgadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaiyākaraṇaḥ ।

caṅgadāsasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

candanadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

candanadāsasya varṇanaṃ mudrārākṣasanāṭake vartate

adas

haradāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

haradāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

haricaraṇadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

haricaraṇadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustakāyām ca asti

adas

skandadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaṇik ।

skandadāsasya ullekhaḥ kathāsaritsāgare asti

adas

trilocanadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaiyākaraṇaḥ ।

trilocanadāsasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

ekādaśākṣaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

ekādaśākṣasya ullekhaḥ gopatha-brāhmaṇe asti

adas

niścaladāsasvāmī   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

niścaladāsasvāminaḥ ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

ādityadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

ādityadāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

cāpadāsī   

ekā nadī ।

cāpadāsī harivaṃśe varṇitā dṛśyate

adas

vṛndāvanadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

vṛndāvanadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

jinadāsaḥ   

puruṣanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

jinadāsaḥ iti nāmakānāṃ naikeṣāṃ puruṣāṇām ullekhaḥ hemacandrasya pariśiṣṭaparvan ityasmin granthe asti

adas

jinadāsaḥ   

jainalekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

jinadāsaḥ iti nāmakayoḥ dvayoḥ lekhakayoḥ ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

trilocanadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaiyākaraṇaḥ ।

trilocanadāsasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

daśadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ janasamūhaḥ ।

daśadāsasya ullekhaḥ mahābhārate vartate

adas

devadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaṇigputraḥ ।

devadāsasya ullekhaḥ bauddhasāhitye vartate

adas

dvādaśamahāvākyanirṇayaḥ   

ekā ṭīkā ।

dvādaśamahāvākyasya dvādaśamahāvākyanirṇayaḥ iti ṭīkā vartate

adas

dvādaśamahāvākyavivaraṇa   

ekā ṭīkā ।

dvādaśamahāvākyasya dvādaśamahāvākyavivaraṇaḥ iti ṭīkā vartate

adas

dvādaśādityastyāśramaḥ   

ekaḥ āśramaḥ ।

dvādaśādityastyāsramasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

kalkidvādaśīvrata   

ekaṃ vratam ।

kalkidvādaśīvratasya ullekhaḥ kośe vartate

adas

nandadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

nandadāsasya ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

adas

narottamadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ lekhakaḥ ।

narottamadāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

nāgadāśakaḥ   

ekaḥ rājaputraḥ ।

nāgadāśakasya ullekhaḥ bauddhasāhitye asti

adas

devadāsaḥ   

ekaḥ vaṇijaḥ putraḥ ।

devadāsasya ullekhaḥ kathāsaritsāgare asti

adas

devadāsaḥ   

kālidāsasya putraḥ ।

devadāsasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

adas

devadāsaḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

devadāsaḥ iti nāmakānāṃ naikeṣāṃ lekhakāṇām ullekhaḥ vivaraṇapustikāyām asti

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