kakāra the consonant क; वर्णात्कारः P. III.3.108 confer, compare 3. Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). kāra kakārikā possibly another name for the treatise on Kārakas known as कारकचक्र written by adeva the reputed grammarian of Bengal who lived in the latter half of the twelfth century A. D. See कारकचक्र. Puruṣottamadeva's Paribhāṣāvṛtti. prātipadi kakārya corresponding to अङ्गकार्य in the case of the declinables, which the Sutrakara mentions specifically with respect to the noun-base. vārtti kakāra believed to be Katyayana to whom the whole bulk of the Varttikas quoted in the Mahabhasya is attributed by later grammarians. Patafijali gives the word वार्तिककार in four places only (in the Mahabhasya on P.I.1.34, III.1.44: III.2.118 and VII.1.1) out of which his statement स्यादिविधिः पुरान्तः यद्यविशेषणं भवति किं वार्तिककारः प्रातिषेधेनं करोति in explanation of the Slokavarttika स्यादिविधिः...इति हुवता कात्यायनेनेहृ, shows that Patanjali gives कात्यायन as the Varttikakara (of Varttikas in small prose statements) and the Slokavarttika is not composed by Katyayana. As assertions similar to those made by other writers are quoted with the names of their authors ( भारद्वाजीयाः, सौनागाः, कोष्ट्रियाः ) in the Mahabhasya, it is evident that the Varttikas quoted in the Mahabhasya(even excluding the Slokavarttikas) did not all belong to Katyayana. For details see pp. 193-200, Vol. VII, Vyakarana Mahabhasya, D. E. Society's Edition. et cetera, and others antaraṅga a highly technical term in Pāṇini's grammar applied in a variety of ways to rules which thereby can supersede other rules. The term is not used by Pāṇini himsel The Vārtikakāra has used the term thrice ( Sec I. 4. 2 feminine. 8, VI.1.106 Vart.10 and VIII.2.6 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). I) evidently in the sense of immediate', 'urgent', 'of earlier occurrence' or the like. The word is usually explained as a Bahuvrīhi compound meaning 'अन्त: अङ्गानि निमित्तानि यस्य' (a rule or operation which has got the causes of its application within those of another rule or operation which consequently is termed बहिरङ्ग). अन्तरङ्ग, in short, is a rule whose causes of operation occur earlier in the wording of the form, or in the process of formation. As an अन्तरङ्ग rule occurs to the mind earlier, as seen Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). , it is looked upon as stronger than any other rule, barring of course अपवाद rules or exceptions, if the other rule presents itself simultaneously. The Vārtikakāra, hence, in giving preference to अन्तरङ्ग rules, uses generally the wording अन्तरङ्गबलीयस्त्वात् which is paraphrased by अन्तरङ्गं बहिरङ्गाद् बलीयः which is looked upon as a paribhāṣā. Grammarians, succeeding the Vārtikakāra, not only looked upon the बहिरङ्ग operation as weaker than अन्तरङ्ग, but they looked upon it as invalid or invisible before the अन्तरङ्ग operation had taken pl a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page. They laid down the Paribhāṣā असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे which has been thoroughly discussed by Nāgeśa in his Paribhāṣendusekhara. The अन्तरङ्गत्व is taken in a variety of ways by Grammarians : (l) having causes of application within or before those of another e. g. स्येनः from the root सिव् (सि + उ+ न) where the यण् substitute for इ is अन्तरङ्ग being caused by उ as compared to guṇa for उ which is caused by न, (2) having causes of application occurring before those of another in the wording of the form, (3) having a smaller number of causes, (4) occurring earlier in the order of several operations which take place in arriving at the complete form of a word, (5) not having संज्ञा (technical term) as a cause of its application, ( 6 ) not depending upon two words or padas, (7) depending upon a cause or causes of a general nature (सामान्यापेक्ष) as opposed to one which depends on causes of a specific nature ( विशेषापेक्ष). accusative case. artha (1) signification,conveyed sense or object. The sense is sometimes looked upon as a determinant of the foot of a verse: literally प्रायोर्थो वृत्तमित्येते पादज्ञानस्य हेतवः confer, compare XVII 16. It is generally looked upon as the determinant of a word (पद). A unit or element of a word which is possessed of an independent sense is looked upon as a Pada in the old Grammar treatises; Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) अर्थः पदमिति ऐन्द्रे; confer, compare also अर्थः पदम् confer, compare III.2, explained by उव्वट as अर्थाभिधायि पदम् । पद्यते गम्यते ज्ञायतेSर्थोनेनेति पदम् । There is no difference of opinion regarding the fact that, out of the four standard kinds of words नाम, आख्यात, उपसर्ग and निपात, the first two kinds नाम and अाख्यात do possess an independent sense of their own. Regarding possession of sense and the manner in which the sense is conveyed, by the other two viz. the Upasargas (prepositions) and Nipātas (particles) there is a striking difference of opinion among scholars of grammar. Although Pāṇini has given the actual designation पद to words ending with either the case or the conjugational affixes, he has looked upon the different units or elements of a Pada such as the base, the affix, the augment and the like as possessed of individually separate senses. There is practically nothing in Pāṇini's sūtras to prove that Nipātas and Upasargas do not possess an independent sense. Re: Nipātas, the rule चादयोऽसत्वे, which means that च and other indeclinables are called Nipātas when they do not mean सत्त्व, presents a riddle as to the meaning which च and the like should convey if they do not mean सत्त्व or द्रव्य Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya. a substance. The Nipātas cannot mean भाव or verbal activity and if they do not mean सत्व or द्रव्य, too, they will have to be called अनर्थक (absolutely meaningless) and in that case they would not be termed Prātipadika, and no caseaffix would be applied to them. To avoid this difficulty, the Vārtikakāra had to make an effort and he wrote a Vārtika निपातस्य अनर्थकस्य प्रातिपदिकत्वम् । P. I.2.45 Vār. 12. As a matter of fact the Nipātas च, वा and others do possess a sense as shown by their presence and absence (अन्वय and व्यतिरेक). The sense, however, is conveyed rather in a different manner as the word समूह, or समुदाय, which is the meaning conveyed by च in रामः कृष्णश्च, cannot be substituted for च as its Synonym in the sentence राम: कुष्णश्च. Looking to the different ways in which their sense is conveyed by nouns and verbs on the one hand, and by affixes, prepositions and indeclinables on the other hand, Bhartṛhari, possibly following Yāska and Vyāḍi, has developed the theory of द्योतकत्व as contrasted with वाचकत्व and laid down the dictum that indeclinables, affixes and prepositions (उपसर्गs) do not directly convey any specific sense as their own, but they are mere signs to show some specific property or excellence of the sense conveyed by the word to which they are attached; id est, that is also the statement 'न निर्बद्धा उपसर्गा अर्थान्निराहुरिति शाकटायनः नामाख्यातयोस्तु कर्मोपसंयेगद्योतका भवन्ति । Nir 1.3. The Grammarians, just like the rhetoricians have stated hat the connection between words and their senses is a permanent one ( नित्य ), the only difference in their views being that the rhetoricians state that words are related; no doubt permanently, to their sense by means of संकेत or convention which solely depends on the will of God, while the Grammarians say that the expression of sense is only a natural function of words; confer, compare 'अभिधानं पुनः स्वाभाविकम्' Vārttika No.33. on P. I.2.64. For द्योतकत्व see Vākyapadīya of Bhartṛhari II. 165-206. confer, compare arthavadgrahaṇaparibhāṣā a well known maxim or Paribha of grammarians fully stated as अर्थवद्ग्रहणे नानर्थकस्य ग्रहणम्, deduced from the phrase अर्थवद्ग्रहणात् frequently used by the Vārttikakāra. The Paribhāṣā lays down that 'when a combination of letters employed in Grammar, is possessed of a sense, it has to be taken as possessed of sense and not such an one as is devoid of sense.' iṣṭi a word generally used in the statements made in the Mahā bhāṣya, similar to those of the Sūtrakāra and the Vārttikakāras, which are 'desired ones' with a view to arrive at the correct forms of words; प्राप्तिज्ञो देवानांप्रियो न त्विाष्टिज्ञः, इष्यत एतद् रूपमिति confer, compare on II. 4.56. Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). upagraha a term used by the ancient grammarians in the sense of the Parasmaipada and the Ātmanepada affixes. The word is not found in Pāṇini's . The Vārttikakāra has used the word in his Vārttika उपग्रहप्रतिषेधश्च on P. III.2.127 evidently in the sense of Pada affixes referring to the Ātmanepada as explained by Kaiyaṭa in the words उपग्रहस्य आत्मनेपदसंज्ञाया इत्यर्थ: । The word occurs in the Ślokavārttika सुप्तिङुपग्रहलिङ्गनराणां quoted by Patañjali in his Mahābhāṣya on व्यत्ययो बहुलम् P. III. 1.85, where Nāgeśa writes लादेशव्यङ्ग्यं स्वार्थत्वादि । इह तत्प्रतीतिनिमित्ते परस्मै-पदात्मनेपदे उपग्रहशब्देन लक्षणयोच्येते । The word is found in the sense of Pada in the Mahābhāṣya on P. III. 1.40. The commentator on Puṣpasūtra explains the word as उपगृह्यते समीपे पठ्यते इति उपग्रहः. The author of the Kāśikā on P. VI. 2.134 has cited the reading चूर्णादीन्यप्राण्युपग्रहात् instead of चूर्णादीन्यप्राणिषष्ठ्याः and made the remark तत्रेापग्रह इति षष्ठ्यन्तमेव पूर्वाचार्योपचारेण गृह्यते. This remark shows that in ancient times उपग्रह meant षष्ठ्यन्त i. e. a word in the genitive case. This sense gave rise to, or was based upon, an allied sense, viz. the meaning of 'षष्ठी' i. e. possession. Possibly the sense 'possession' further developed into the further sense 'possession of the fruit or result for self or others' referring to the तिङ् affixes which possessed that sense. The old sense 'षष्ठ्यन्त' of the word 'उपग्रह' having gone out of use, and the sense 'पद' having come in vogue, the word षष्ठी' must have been substituted for the word 'उपग्रह' by some grammarians before the time of the Kāśikākāras. As Patañjali has dropped the Sūtra (VI. 2.134), it cannot be said definitely whether the change of reading took place before Patañjali or after him. Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī. upasaṃkhyāna mention, generally of the type of the annexation of some words to words already given, or of some limiting conditions or additions to what has been already stat The word is often found at the end of the statements made by the Vārttikakāra on the sūtras of Pāṇini.: edition P.I.1.29 confer, compare 1: I.1.36 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 3 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). The words वाच्य and वक्तव्य are also similarly us et cetera, and others The word is found similarly used in the Mahābhāṣya also very frequently. edition upasarga preposition, prefix. The word उसपर्ग originally meant only 'a prefixed word': सोपसर्गेषु नामसु confer, compare XVI. 38. The word became technically applied by ancient Sanskrit Gratmmarians to the words प्र, परा, अप, सम् Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) which are always used along with a verb or a verbal derivative or a noun showing a verbal activity; et cetera, and others उपसर्गाः क्रियायोगे P. I. 4.59. 'These prefixes are necessariiy compounded with the following word unless the latter is a verbal form; confer, compare कुगतिप्रादयः P.II. 2.18. Although they are not compounded with a verbal form, these prepositions are used in juxtaposition with it; sometimes they are found detached from the verbal form even with the intervention of one word or more. The prefixes are instrumental in changing the meaning of the root. Some scholars like Śākaṭāyana hold the view that separated from the roots, prefixes do not express any specific sense as ordinary words express, while scholars like Gārgya hold the view that prefixes do express a sense e. g. प्र means beginning or प्रारम्भ; confer, compare न निर्बद्धा उपसर्गा अर्थान्निराहुरिति शाकटायनः । नामाख्यातयोस्तु कर्मोपसंयोगद्योतका भवन्ति । उच्चावचाः पदार्था भवन्तीति गार्ग्यः । तद्य एषु पदार्थः प्राहुरिमं तं नामाख्यातयोरर्थविकरणम् confer, compare I. 8. It is doubtful, however, which view Pāṇini himself held. In his Ātmanepada topic, he has mentioned some specific roots as possessing some specific senses when preceded by some specific prefixes (see P. I. 3.20, 24, 25, 40, 4l, 46, 52, 56, Nirukta of Yāska. ), which implies possibly that roots themselves possess various senses, while prefixes are simply instrumental in indicating or showing them. On the other hand, in the topic of the Karmapravacanīyas,the same words प्र, परा et cetera, and others which, however, are not termed Upasargas for the time being, although they are called Nipātas, are actually assigned some specific senses by Pāṇini. The Vārttikakāra has defined उपसर्ग as क्रियाविशेषक उपसर्गः P. I. 3.I. Vārt 7, leaving it doubtful whether the उपसर्ग or prefix possesses an independent sense which modifies the sense of the root, or without possessing any independent sense, it shows only the modified sense of the root which also is possessed by the root. Bhartṛhari, Kaiyaṭa and their followers including Nāgeśa have emphatically given the view that not only prefixes but Nipātas, which include प्र, परा and others as Upasargas as well as Karmapravacanīyas, do not denote any sense, but they indicate it; they are in fact द्योतक and not वाचक. For details see et cetera, and others I. 3, Vākyapadīya II. 190, Mahābhāṣya on I. 3.1. Nirukta of Yāska. 7 and Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). and Kaiyaṭa's Mahābhāṣyapradīpa. thereon. The Ṛk Prātiśākhya has discussed the question in XII. 6-9 where, as explained by the commentator, it is stated that prefixes express a sense along with roots or nouns to which they are attach Mahābhāṣya-Pradīpoddyota by Nāgeśa. It is not clear whether they convey the sense by denotation or indication, the words वाचक in stanza 6 and विशेषकृत् in stanza 8 being in favour of the former and the latter views respectively; cf उपसर्गा विंशतिरर्थवाचकाः सहेतराभ्यामितरे निपाताः; क्रियावाचकभाख्यातमुपसर्गो विशेषकृत्, सत्त्वाभिधायकं नाम निपातः पादपूरणः edition XII. st. 6 and 8. For the list of upasargas see Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) XII. 6, Ṛgvedaprātiśākhya by Śaunaka ( Sanskrit Sāhityapariṣad Edition, Calcutta.) I. 15, Taittirīya Prātiśākhya. VI.24, and S. K. on P. I.4.60. Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya. ekaśeṣa a kind of composite formation in which only one of the two or more words compounded together subsists, the others being elided; एकः शिष्यते इतरे निवर्तन्ते वृक्षश्च वृक्षश्च वृक्षौ । Kāśikā on सरूपाणामेकशेष एक-विभक्तौ P.I.2.64; confer, compare also सुरूपसमुदायाद्धि विभक्तिर्या विधीयते । एकस्तत्रार्थवान् सिद्धः समुदायस्य वाचकः ।। Bhāṣāvṛtti on P. I. 2.64. There is a dictum of grammarians that every individual object requires a separate expression to convey its presence. Hence, when there is a dual sense, the word has to be repeated, as also the word has to be multiplied when there is a plural sense. In current spoken language, however, in such cases the word is used only once. To justify this single utterance for conveying the sense of plurality, Pāṇini has laid down a general rule सरूपाणामेकशेष एकविभक्तौ and many other similar rules to cover cases of plurality not of one and the same object, but plurality cased by many objects, such as plurality caused by ideas going in pairs or relations such as parents, brothers and sisters, grand-father and grand-son, male and female. For example, see the words वृक्षश्च वृक्षश्च वृक्षौ; Similarly वृक्षाः for many trees, पितरौ for माता च पिता च; देवौ for देवी च देवश्च; confer, compare also the words श्वशुरौ, भ्रातरौ, गार्ग्यौ (for गार्ग्य and गार्ग्यायण),आवाम् (for त्वं च अहं च), यौ (for स च यश्च) and गावः confer, compare अजा feminine. अश्वाः feminine. irrespective of the individuals being some males and some females. Pāṇini has devoted 10 Sūtras to this topic of Ekaśeṣa. The Daiva grammar has completely ignored this topic. Patanjali has very critically and exhaustively discussed this topic. Some critics hold that the topic of एकशेघ did not exist in the original masculine gender. of Pāṇini but it was interpolated later on, and adduce the long discussion in the Mahābhāṣya especially the Pūrvapakṣa therein, in support of their argument. Whatever the case be, the Vārttikakāra has commented upon it at length; hence, the addition must have been made immediately after Pāṇini, if at all there was any. For details see Mahābhāṣya on I.1.64 to 73 as also,Introduction p. 166-167, Vol.7 of the Mahābhāṣya published by the D. E. Society, Poona. Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī. aupasaṃkhyānika subsequently stated by way of addition or modification as done by the Vārttikakāras; औपसंख्यानिकस्य णस्यापवादंः । आरण्यको मनुष्यः Kāś on P.IV.2.129; confer, compare also Kāś. on V.1.29 and VI.3.41. confer, compare kātyāyana the well-known author of the Vārttikas on the sūtras of Pāṇini. He is also believed to be the author of the Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya and many sūtra works named after him. He is believed to be a resident of South India on the strength of the remark प्रियतद्धिता दाक्षिणात्याः made by Patañjali in connection with the statement 'यथा लौकिकवैदिकेषु' which is looked upon as Kātyāyana's Vārttika. Some scholars say that Vararuci was also another name given to him, in which case the Vārttikakāra Vararuci Kātyāyana has to be looked upon as different from the subsequent writer named Vararuci to whom some works on Prakrit and Kātantra grammar are ascrib For details see edition . pages I93-223 published by the D. E.Society, Poona.See also वार्तिकपाठ below. The Volume of the introduction in Marathi to the Pātañjala Mahābhāṣya, written by K. V. Abhyankar and published by the O. E. Society, Poona. kṛdgrahaṇa mention of a kṛt of a word ending with a kṛt affix. The word mainly occurs in the Paribhāṣā कृद्ग्रहणे गतिकारकपूर्वस्यापि ग्रहणम् which occurs first as an expression of the Vārttikakāra (P.I.4.13 id est, that is 9) and has been later on given as a Paribhāṣā by later grammarians (Pari. Śek. Pari.28).The Paribhāṣā is referred to as वृद्ब्रह्मणपरिभाषा in later grammar works especially commentary works. Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). klībatva a word used in the sense of 'neuter gender' by grammarians later than पतञ्जलि and the Vārttikakāra; समभागे क्लीबलिङ्गमर्धमेकदेशिना समस्यते Bhāṣā Vr. on P.II.2.2; पक्षे हि क्लीबत्वम् Kaiyaṭa's Pr. on II.1. 51; समाहारद्वन्द्वे क्लीबत्वप्रसङ्गात् Durgh. Vr. on P.II.4.l7. confer, compare garīyas involving a special effort.The word is frequently used by the Vārttikakāra and old grammarians in connection with something, which involves greater effort and longer expression and, hence, not commendable in rules of the Shastra works where brevity is the soul of 'wit'; पदगौरवाद्योगवेिभागो गरीयान् confer, compare Pari. 121. The word गुरु is also sometimes used in a similar sense; Paribhāṣenduśekhara of Nāgeśa. तद् गुरु भवति confer, compare I.1 Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). l Āhnika of the Pātañjala Mahābhāṣya. 2. Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). bhoganir affix भोगीनर् suggested by the Vārttikakāra to form words like राजभोगीन, अाचार्यभोगीन which are derived by the rule आत्मन्विश्वजनभोगोत्तरपदात् ख: P. V. 1.9. taddhita affix. matup affix मत् changed in some cases to वत् (cf मादुपधायाश्च मतोर्वोऽयवादिभ्यः P. VIII. 2.9), applied to any noun or substantive in the sense of 'who possesses that,' or 'which contains it,' or in the sense of possession as popularly express taddhita affix. The affix is called possessive affix also, and is very commonly found in use; e. g. गोमान्, वृक्षवान् , यवमान् , edition et cetera, and others तदस्यास्त्यस्मिन्निति मतुप् P. V. 2.94. The very general sense of 'possession' is limited to certain kinds of possession by the Vārttikakāra in the following stanza; भूमनिन्दाप्रशंसासु नित्ययोगेतिशायने | संसर्गेऽस्तिविवक्षायां भवन्ति मतुबादय: confer, compare Kāś. on P. V. 2.94. There are other confer, compare affixes prescribed in the same sense as मतुप्, such as the affixes लच् (V. 2.96-98), इलच् (99, 100, 105, 117), श and न (100), ण (101), विनि (102, 121, 122), इनि (102, 115, 116, 128, 129-137), अण् (103, 104), उरच् (106), र (107), म (108), व ( 109, 110), ईरन् and ईरच् (111), वलच् (112, 113), ठन् (115, 116), ठञ् (118, 119), यप् (120), युस् (123, 138, 140), ग्मिनि (124), आलच् and आटच् (125), अच् (127), and ब, भ, यु, ति, तु, त and यस् each one applied to specifically stated words. मतुप् is also specially prescribed after the words headed by रस ( taddhita affix. रसादिभ्यश्च P. V. 2.95) in supersession of some of the other affixes mentioned confer, compare which would take place in such cases, if मतुप् were not prescribed by the rule रसादिभ्यश्च. The portion of the a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page. prescribing the possessive affixes is named मतुबधिकार (P. V. 2.92 to 140). Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī. madhyamapadalopa the dropping of the middle word or member ( of a compound generally) as for instance in शाकपार्थिक for शाकप्रियपार्थिव; the word मध्यमपदलोप is also used in the sense of a compound. The compounds which have the middle word dropped are enumerated by the Vārttikakāra under the Vārttika शाकपार्थिवादीनां मध्यमपदलेापश्च Bh. Vṛ. II.1.60 literally ; cf also Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). II.6.30. Kātantra vyākaraṇa Sūtra. vaktavya that which ought to be stated or prescribed; the word is frequently found used by the Varttikakāra when he suggests any addition to, or modification in Panini's rules. Sometimes,the word is added by the author of the Mahabhasya in the explanation of a Varttika after stating what is lacking in the Varttika.